~  -r.i---HsSs.::-ia^2 


'if. 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

l^   160  .S76  1895   ~~ 
life'  '"'^  =''-<J°''s  Of  churc 


Shelf 


LIGHTS    AND    SHADOWS    OF 
CHURCH     LIFE 


l0i;ks  h^  tlrt  anmt  ^nthax 


RECOLLECTIONS  OF  A  LONG  LIFE.  Second 
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London  :   HODDER  &  STOUGHTON, 
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LIGHTS  AND   SHADOWS 
OF  CHURCH   LIFE 


\  BY 

JOHN     STOUGHTON,     D.D, 


<^!i!J!*%. 


*     APR  16  1900      * 


^Ol 


t\li\^^* 


NEW    YORK 

A.     S.     BARNES     &     CO. 

56,    EAST    ioT}i    STREET 

1895 


PREFACE 

A    FEW  years  ago  I   printed   for  private  circu- 
lation   a    small    volume    on    the    lights    and 
shadows    of    primitive    Christendom,   confining    my 
view   to   the  first  three  centuries,    when  the  Church 
was   unconnected    with   the    State.       Copies    of    the 
book     were    forwarded    to    several    clergymen,    in- 
cluding  some   distinguished    scholars    whom    it   was 
my   privilege   to   know,  and    a    number  of  Noncon- 
formist  brethren,    including   College    professors    and 
others   of  acknowledged    learning.     They  asked   me 
why     I     did     not    publisJi     what     I     had    written. 
Their    kindly    commendations    encouraged     me    to 
review   and    revise   the   essay ;    and     I    saw   it    was 
advisable,    if    I     did     so,     to    continue     my    review 
down   to    the    end    of  the    sixth    century,    when    the 
Church   appeared    under  a  new  aspect,  as  protected 
and    patronised    by   the    State. 

The  approval   of  Episcopalian    friends   I    took    as 


PREFACE 


a  recognition  of  the  unsectarian  purport  of  what  I 
had  written.  The  same  spirit  I  had  manifested 
in  the  first  part  of  what  I  wrote  I  have  endea- 
voured to  maintain  in  the  second  My  intention 
has  been  to  present  certain  salient  points  in  the 
constitution  and  proceedings  of  early  Christendom, 
rather  than  to  cover  the  whole  ground  which 
belongs  to  what  is  called  "a  history  of  the 
Church."  Much  is  by  me  passed  over  which 
belongs  to  such  a  work  as  that  title  indicates, 
and  subjects  on  the  following  pages  are  introduced 
not  usually  noticed  by  ecclesiastical  historians. 
My  aim  is  to  point  out  on  the  one  hand  Christian 
excellences,   and   on    the   other   religious   defects. 

If  we  confine  attention  to  what  corroborates  our 
ovv'n  beliefs,  and  decline  referring  to  what  opposes 
them,  we  take  the  place,  not  of  historians,  but  of 
advocates,  probably  at  the  expense  of  historical 
justice,  and  certainly  we  miss  the  opportunity  of 
affording  warnings  and  cautions  to  those  who 
stand  in  need  of  them.  Also,  if  we  pay  exclusive 
or  principal  attention  to  the  shady  side  of  our 
subject,  and  shut  out  or  obscure  what  illustrates 
genuine  principles  and  examples  not  adopted  by 
ourselves,  we  sacrifice  benefits  which  can  be  gained 
only    by   a   study   of  the   entire  subject. 


PREFACE  Vii 

Illustrations  of  faith  and  holiness,  in  those  from 
whom  more  or  less  we  differ,  should  be  to  us 
inspiring  no  less  than  grateful  ;  and  traces  of 
error,  superstition,  and  worldliness  seen  in  those 
who  have  set  us  a  good  example  in  other  respects 
should  be  used  as  warnings,  helpful  in  the  resist- 
ance of  temptations  besetting  people  in  the 
nineteenth  century  as  they  did  those  of  the 
first   six. 

Christendom  and  Christianity  are  not  the  same. 
Christianity  pure  and  simple  is  the  source  of  real 
goodness  ;  but  Christendom  produces  what  is  no 
part  of  Christianity.  A  system  of  doctrine  and 
discipline  exists  in  Revelation  as  a  planetary 
system  exists  in  the  starry  skies ;  and  as  in 
nature,  so  in  Revelation,  Divine  guidance  should 
be  sought  in  daily  life.  Astronomical  schemes 
have  been  contrived  contrary  to  the  original  order 
published  long  ago  and  stereotyped  ;  in  like  manner 
schemes  of  religious  faith  and  ecclesiastical  polity 
have  been  proposed  in  Christendom  very  different 
from  inspired  statutes  in  the  Old  and  New  Testa- 
ments. 

The  rise  and  progress  of  innovations  in  beliefs 
and  practice  it  is  our  duty  to  trace  to  their  real 
sources — some   obvious,   others  difficult  to   discover. 


viii  PREFACE 

Such  discovery  is  the  business  of  students  in 
ecclesiastical  history,  and  help  in  this  direction  is 
an  object  designed  and  desired  by  the  author  of 
the    present   volume. 

Our  judgment  of  principles  and  persons  should 
not  be  guided  by  the  same  rules.  Principles  are 
not  affected  by  times  and  circumstances  ;  they 
remain  unalterable  age  after  age,  and  what  was 
taught  by  inspired  Apostles  remains  the  same 
yesterday,  to-day,  and  for  ever.  ■  The  forget- 
fulness  of  this  has  caused  more  mischief  in 
Christendom  than  historians  have  discovered.  But 
individual  character  is  influenced  to  a  wonderful 
extent  by  the  age  in  which  our  lots  are  cast. 
Christians  of  the  first  six  centuries  are  not  to 
be  judged  in  the  same  way  as  Christians  of  the 
nineteenth. 

There  is  a  passage  in  the  Second  Epistle  of 
Peter  where  the  writer  speaks  of  being  diligent 
in  the  Christian  life,  by  adding  to  godliness 
brotherly  kindness,  and  to  brotherly  kindness 
charily.  A  beautiful  addition  is  that  to  our  pro- 
fessed Christianity,  for  it  is  adapted  to  conciliate 
and  bring  over  to  Christ's  side  and  service  those 
who,  at  present,  stand  aloof  I  believe  nothing 
can    be    more    winning   on    the   Church's   side    than 


PREFACE  IX 

to  gather  up  and  reflect  lights  which  the  Divine 
Lord  kindled  long  ago,  and  keeps  shining  in 
Christian  literature  still.  Brotherly  kindness  and 
charity  will  effect  what  nothing  else  can  accom- 
plish. "  Charity  suffereth  long,  and  is  kind  ; 
charity  envieth  not  ;  charity  vaunteth  not  itself, 
is  not  puffed  up,  doth  not  behave  itself  unseemly, 
seeketh  not  her  own,  is  not  easily  provoked, 
thinketh  no  evil  ;  rejoiceth  not  in  iniquity,  but 
rejoiceth  in  the  truth ;  beareth  all  things,  believeth 
all  things,  hopeth  all  things,  endureth  all  things." 
The  extent  to  which  this  charity  is  absent 
accounts  for  still  existing  shadows  in  contemporary 
Christendom. 

The  great  lights  in  literature  have  not  always 
been  charitably  regarded.  For  instance,  amongst 
primitive  Fathers  Origen  of  Alexandria  has  often 
been  regarded  simply  as  an  example  of  theo- 
logical self-sufficiency,  making  human  reason  the 
supreme  test  of  truth  and  righteousness,  and 
obstinately  refusing  to  come  under  the  yoke  of 
Divine  Revelation.  On  the  other  hand,  Augustine 
of  Hippo  is  regarded  as  self-bound  on  the  chain 
of  an  eternal  predestination,  without  any  freedom 
of  human  activity  and  human  choice.  Some 
critics    regard    opinions,    thus    apprehended,    as    the 


X  PREFACE 

sum  and  substance  of  specimens  in  patristic 
teaching.  Thus  wrong  has  been  done  to  both. 
Even  where  "  brotherly  kindness "  has  been  shown 
to  these  authors,  as  men  of  genius,  charity  has 
been  denied  to  them  as  Christian  teachers,  and 
they  have  been  unsparingly  condemned.  In  other 
quarters  such  authors  have  been  discriminatively 
treated,  and  what  in  them  is  true  has  been 
sifted  out  of  what  is  erroneous.  Such  a  course 
is   what   reason    and   justice   demand. 

It  is  such  an  ideal  course  that  I  have 
endeavoured  to  pursue  in  the  following  pages  ; 
but    I    fear   not   with    the   success   desired. 

Note. — Owing  to  imperfection  of  sight  at  my 
advanced  age  (87),  I  have  been  mainly  dependent 
on  my  dear  daughter,  Mrs.  Lewis,  for  corrections  of 
the  press ;  her  assistance  in  many  other  ways  has 
been  of  essential  service  in  preparing  this  volume 
for  publication. 


CONTENTS 

PART  I 


CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

INSPIRED     RECORDS     AND     OTHER     CHRISTIAN    WRIT- 
INGS          .1 


CHAPTER  II 

RELIGIOUS  NOVELS     . 


H 


CHAPTER  III 
LANDMARKS   OF   EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM        ...        25 

CHAPTER  IV 
LEADERS  AND   SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT     ....        49 

CHAPTER  V 
DIFFUSION   OF   CHRISTIANITY   .  .  ...  .  .        90 

CHAPTER  VI 
PERSECUTION   AND   HEROISM I08 


xii  CONTENTS 


PART  II 


CHAPTER  I 

PAGE 

CHURCH   AND   STATE   UNDER   CONSTANTINE    .  .  .      129 


CHAPTER  n 
SUBSEQUENT   EMPERORS 148 

CHAPTER  in 
POST-NICENE   COUNCILS      .  162 

CHAPTER  IV 
EASTERN   SEES,    BISHOPS,   AND   FAMILIES  .  .  .182 

CPIAPTER  V 
AFRICAN   CHURCHES 211 

CHAPTER  VI 
-WESTERN    BISHOPS 226 

CHAPTER  VII 
EPISCOPAL   ROME   AND   ITS   CATACOMliS  ....      239 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  VIII 

PAGE 

LATIN   DIVINITY 259 


CHAPTER  IX 
RELIGIOUS   WORSHIP 280 

CHAPTER  X 
INCIPIENT   EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM         .  .  .      289 

CHAPTER  XI 
MONKS  AND  MISSIONS 3 12 

CHAPTER  XII 
ECCLESIASTICAL  REVENUE  AND   OUTSIDE    HELP     .  .      332 

CHAPTER  XIII 

SEPARATION       BETWEEN       EASTERN       AND      WESTERN 

CHRISTENDOM 34 1 

CHAPTER  XIV 
THE   BORDERLAND   OF  CHRISTENDOM      .  .  .  -351 

CHAPTER  XV 
THE   DIVINE   LAWBOOK  OF   THE   CHURCH         .  .  .      359 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  XVI 

PAGE 

HOLY  CATHOLIC   COMMUNION 372 


CHAPTER  XVn 
ON    THE    EDGE   OF   THE   DARK   AGES  ....      381 

INDEX .  .      389 


PART     I 


CHAPTER   I 

INSPIRED  RECORDS  AND    OTHER   CHRISTIAN 
WRITINGS 

NO  one  can  study  the  origin  of  Christianity  as 
we  find  it  in  Scripture,  without  being  struck 
with  the  large  information  afforded  on  the  subject. 
Buddhism,  Brahmanism,  Parseeism,  are  indistinct, 
as  to  origin  and  early  progress.  But  in  the  New 
Testament  we  are  face  to  face  with  the  Divine 
Founder  of  our  faith,  and  His  disciples.  In  the 
four  Gospels,  with  the  Acts  and  the  Epistles, 
we  learn  the  foundation  of  Christianity  ;  in  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  we  discover  the  beginnings  of 
Christendom. 

The  four  Gospels  reveal  the  history  of  our  Lord  ; 
and  as  old  painters  sometimes  put  their  initials  in 
the  corner  of  their  pictures,  so  the  first  Evangelist 
introduces  his  name  in  an  early  part  of  his  narrative  : 
"  And  as  Jesus    passed  by,  He  saw    a  man,  named 

I 


2       LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

Matthew,  sitting  at  the  receipt  of  custom  ;  and  He 
saith  unto  him,  Follow  Me.  And  he  arose  and  followed 
Him."  ^  Sharp-sighted,  clear-headed,  honest-hearted, 
with  a  divinely  given  mastery  of  his  subject,  he 
wrote  down  what  he  had  seen  and  heard,  while 
following  the  Lord.  At  the  beginning  of  his  Gospel 
he  reports  the  Sermon  on  the  Mount ;  and  at  the 
close,  a  prophetic  discourse  touching  the  world's 
end,  and  the  division  of  mankind  into  two  com- 
panies, as  "  the  shepherd  divideth  his  sheep  from 
the  goats." 

The  second  historian  is  Mark — to  a  large  extent 
the  amanuensis  of  Peter,  who  refers  to  him  in  his 
First  Epistle,  saying,  "  The  Church  that  is  at  Babylon, 
elected  together  with  you,  saluteth  you  ;  and  so  doth 
Marcus  my  son."  ^  This  connection  of  the  two,  Mark 
and  Peter,  in  authorship,  gives  special  interest  to  the 
second  Gospel,  imparting  a  touch  of  inimitable  ten- 
derness to  the  angelic  message  after  the  resurrection, 
"  Go,  tell  His  disciples  and  Peter  that  He  goeth  be- 
fore you  into  Galilee."^  Justin  Martyr  calls  Mark's 
Gospel  "  The  Reminiscences  of  Peter."  TertulHan 
says  the  Gospel  is  named  after  Mark,  because  "  Mark 
edited  the  Gospel  of  Peter";  Irenaeus  adds,  "Mark 

'  Matt.  ix.  9.  *  I  Peter  v.  13.  ^  Mark  xvi.  7. 


Ch.  I]  INSPIRED  RECORDS,  ETC.  3 

wrote  it  after  the  Exodus  of  Peter."  Jerome  describes 
it  as  "  Peter's  narration,  and  Mark's  penmanship."  ^ 
With  these  testimonies  still  preserved,  we  can  scarcely 
doubt  Peter's  share  in  the  composition  of  the  second 
Gospel.  It  is  remarkable  that  sections,  peculiar  to 
Matthew  and  Luke,  have  no  corresponding  passages 
in  Mark. 

The  third  historian,  Luke,  like  Mark,  was  not  a 
personal  witness  of  the  Saviour's  words  and  deeds. 
The  author  tells  us  the  way  in  which  he  produced 
his  history  :  "  Forasmuch  as  many  have  taken  in  hand 
to  set  forth  in  order  a  declaration  of  those  things 
which  are  most  surely  believed  among  us,  even  as 
they  delivered  them  unto  us,  which  from  the  be- 
ginning were  eye-witnesses,  and  ministers  of  the 
Word  [i.e.  the  Apostles] ;  it  seemed  good  to  me  also, 
having  had  perfect  understanding  of  all  things  from 
the  very  first,  to  write  unto  thee  in  order,  most  ex- 
cellent Theophilus,  that  thou  mightest  know  the 
certainty  of  those  things,  wherein  thou  hast  been 
instructed."  "  Luke  was  the  companion  of  Paul,  and 
as  a  principal  authority  for  some    facts  and  words 


1  Justin  Martyr,  Dialogue  with  Trypho  the  Jew,   106;  Ter- 
tullian,  Marc,  4,  5 ;  Irenaeus,  Hcer.,  iii.,  i ;  Jerome,  Catal. 

2  Luke  i.  1-4. 


4      LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM      [Part  I 

employed  in  the  third  narrative,  Luke  was,  doubtless, 
indebted  to  the  Apostle  Paul,  who  had  seen  the  glory 
of  the  Lord,  not  in  the  days  of  His  pilgrimage  on 
earth,  but  in  the  midday  sky  after  His  enthronement 
in  heaven. 

For  the  credibility  of  these  three  Gospels,  then, 
we  have  the  highest  historical  evidence,  and  if 
any  one  rejects  that  evidence,  so  great  in  its 
amount,  the  whole  history  of  the  world,  down  to 
that  period,  must  to  him,  if  consistent,  be  in  a 
doubtful  condition. 

We  come  to  the  fourth  Gospel.  A  theory  has 
been  invented  that  it  did  not  appear  till  about  the 
middle  of  the  second  century.  But  if  internal  proof 
carries  with  it  authority,  this  wonderful  book  carries 
credentials  sufficient  to  satisfy  all  unprejudiced  in- 
quirers. It  is  surprising  how  any  critic,  acquainted 
with  second-century  literature,  can  attempt  to  ac- 
count for  such  an  exception  as  this  to  productions 
of  that  period.  We  shall  have  occasion,  presently, 
to  notice  narratives  written  then,  and  it  will  be 
plainly  seen  what  a  contrast  the  fourth  evangelical 
narrative  presents  to  traditional  stories  and  to  ob- 
vious fictions  written  at  that  time.  The  comparison 
demonstrates  the  difference  between  them  and  the 
fourth     Gospel.       Long     discourses     and     minutely 


Ch.  I]  INSPIRED  RECORDS,  ETC.  5 

detailed  conversations  are  rehearsed  in  that  Gospel, 
which,  if  correctly  given  without  supernatural  aid, 
or  if  preserved  only  by  tradition,  must  appear  such 
a  literary  marvel,  that  it  is  far  easier  even  on 
rationalistic  grounds  to  accept  it  at  once  as  a  Divine 
record  of  what  took  place.  The  enlightenment  of 
the  Holy  Spirit  alone  explains  the  origin  of  this 
unique  production.  Inspiration  alone  accounts  for 
the  origin  of  the  Gospel  according  to  St.  John. 
So  it  was  accepted  by  those  who  lived  soon  after- 
ward. Modern  scholarship  has  gone  patiently  into 
this  question  touching  the  origin  of  Christianity 
and  the  Church,  and  the  evidence  supporting  the 
fourth  Gospel.^ 

In  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  we  read  of  marvels 
on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  the  cloven  tongues  of  fire 
on  the  heads  of  the  Apostles,  their  speaking  in 
languages  they  had  never  learnt,  as  the  Spirit  gave 
them  utterance.  "  And  the  same  day  there  were 
added  unto  them  about  three  thousand  souls." 
These  were  so  many  miraculous  lights  to  shine 
on  a  dark  world.     That  Whitsuntide  was  the  birth- 

'  To  enter  at  large  upon  controversies  touching  the  fourth 
Gospel  is  impossible  within  the  limits  of  this  work.  I  must 
refer  tlie  reader  to  what  has  been  written  on  the  subject  by 
Westcott  and  others. 


6       LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 


day  of  Christendom,  but  shadows  soon  overcast  the 
Church's  sky. 

In  the  same  book  we  are  told  that  certain  men 
came  down  to  Antioch  from  Judsea,  and  taught 
the  brethren,  saying,  "  Except  ye  be  circumcised 
after  the  custom  of  Moses,  ye  cannot  be  saved."  ^ 
We  are  not  surprised  that  sons  of  Abraham 
imagined  the  rite  of  circumcision  to  be  binding 
on  Gentiles,  saved  by  faith  like  Abraham  himself. 
Their  inference,  however,  was  mistaken.  We  are 
distinctly  told  the  rule  for  Jews  was  not  binding 
on  Gentile  followers  of  Abraham's  faith.  God  did 
not  put  a  yoke  "  on  the  necks  of  Christ's  disciples  " 
which  neither  their  fathers  nor  they  were  able  to 
bear.     The  old  law  was  abolished. 

"  Not  at  once  did  a  severance  between  Jewish 
Christians  and  Gentile  Christians  take  place.  It 
was  more  manifest  after  the  fall  of  Jerusalem  than 
before.  Then  the  custom  in  the  synagogues  of 
cursing  apostates  from  the  law  became  prevalent  and 
established  ;  and  this  would  naturally  rend  asunder 
any  previously  existing  friendly  relationship."^ 

Other  dark  shadows  fall  across  our  path  as  we 
pursue  the  early  history  of  Christendom.     Paul  says 


'  Acts  XV.  I.       2  See  Westcott,  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  Int. 


Ch.I]  INSPIRED  RECORDS,  ETC.  7 

to  the  Corinthians  :  "  I  fear,  lest  by  any  means, 
as  the  serpent  beguiled  Eve  in  his  craftiness,  your 
minds  should  be  corrupted  from  the  simplicity  and 
the  purity  that  is  toward  Christ."  ^  Further,  he  urges 
Timothy  to  warn  the  brethren  against  "  profane  and 
old  wives'  fables."  ^  He  predicts  that  some  would 
"  fall  away  from  the  faith,  giving  heed  to  seducing 
spirits,  .  .  .  forbidding  to  marry,  and  commanding  to 
abstain  from  meats."  ^  Also  he  refers  to  a  coming 
time  when  sound  doctrine  would  not  be  endured 
by  some  having  itching  ears,  who  would  turn  from 
truth  to  fables.^  Peter  predicts,  as  near  at  hand, 
the  activity  of  "  false  teachers,  denying  even  the 
Master  that  bought  them."  ^  Thus  were  painted 
before  the  eyes  of  early  Christians,  pastures  where 
not  only  the  flock  might  feed,  but  where  also  wolves 
would  prowl.  The  second  Eden,  like  the  first, 
would  have  in  it  a  serpent  "  more  subtle  than  any 
beast  of  the  field  which  the  Lord  God  had  made."  ® 

Warnings  are  accompanied  by  unmistakable 
allusions  to  contemporary  facts.  We  are  startled 
when  told  that  there  were  among  the  Christians  at 
Corinth  those  who  denied  the  distinguishing  doctrine 


'  2  Cor.  xi.  3.  ^  I  Tim.  iv.  i,  3.  ^2  Peter  ii.  i. 

^  I  Tim.  iv.  7.  ■*  2  Tim.  iv.  3.  ^  Gen.  iii.  i. 


8       UGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

of  the  Gospel.  "  Now,"  writes  Paul  to  the  Church 
there,  "  if  Christ  is  preached  that  He  hath  been 
raised  from  the  dead,  how  say  some  among  you 
that  there  is  no  resurrection  of  the  dead  ? "  ^  It 
seems  almost  incredible  to  those  who  have  only 
sunny  views  of  primitive  Christendom,  that  Paul 
should  have  written  in  his  second  letter  to  Timothy,^ 
"  This  thou  knowest,  that  all  that  are  in  Asia 
turned  away  from  me  ;  of  whom  are  Phygelus  and 
Hermogenes."  How  strange  to  read  of  "  unruly 
men,"  "  vain  talkers  and  deceivers,  teaching  things 
they  ought  not,  for  filthy  lucre's  sake,"  and  of 
"questionings  and  strifes  unprofitable  and  vain  "  ;  and 
of  a  man  heretical  (or  factious),  who  after  admonition 
ought  to  be  avoided  ;  ^  and  of  Hymenseus  and 
Philetus,  who  said  the  resurrection  was  past,  and 
overthrew  the  faith  of  some.^  Once  more,  we  find 
the  Apostle  John  declaring,  "  Even  now  have  there 
arisen  many  antichrists  ;  whereby  we  know  that  it  is 
the  last  hour."  Also,  he  says,  "  Many  deceivers  are 
gone  forth  into  the  world,  even  they  that  confess 
not  that  Jesus  Christ  cometh  in  the  flesh."  ^ 

We   have  in  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  a  view 

'  I  Cor.  XV.  12,  ^2  Tim.  ii.  17. 

2  2  Tim,  i.  15.  5  J  John  ii.  18;  2  John  7. 

'  Titus  i.  10,  II  ;  iii.  9,  10. 


Ch.  I]  INSPIRED  RECORDS,   ETC.  9 

of  Christian  life  such  as  is  drawn  in  detail  nowhere 
else.  It  represents  a  remarkable  phase  in  the 
Church's  growth.  Its  enthusiasm,  its  first  hope,  had 
passed.  Believers  began  to  reckon  loss  and  gain. 
Some  were  inclined  to  overrate  the  loss  ;  and  we 
learn  elsewhere  that  dark  clouds  overhung  the  sky. 

From  all  this  we  see  that  Christendom  is  historical ; 
subject,  in  the  lives  of  its  professors,  to  common 
temptations.  We  perceive  that  its  early  difficulties 
were  not  dealt  with  tentatively,  as  if  truth  resulted 
only  from  free  conflict  of  thought.  "  The  false  view 
was  met  at  once  by  the  corresponding  lesson.  Error 
called  out  the  decisive  teaching,  but  it  had  no  part 
in  creating  it."^ 

In  the  Third  Epistle  of  John  we  read  of  "  Dio- 
trephes,  who  loveth  to  have  the  pre-eminence."  Was 
he  a  presbyter,  a  deacon,  or,  in  modern  phrase,  a 
layman  ?  At  all  events,  he  was  an  unfavourable 
specimen  of  early  professors.  This  is  not  strange. 
But  what  follows  is  so.  Diotrcphes  "  receivcth  lis  not. 
Therefore,  if  I  come,  I  will  bring  to  remembrance 
his  works  which  he  doeth,  prating  against  us  with 
wicked  words  :  and  not  content  therewith,  neither 
doth  he  himself  receive  the  brethren  "  (whom  St.  John 


Westcott,  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  Int.,  xxxvii. 


10     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

sent),  "and  them  that  would,  he  forbiddeth  and 
casteth  them  out  of  the  Church,"  Differences  of 
opinion  occurred  even  between  Peter  and  Paul ; 
Jewish  and  Gentile  Churches  fell  into  controversy ; 
party  spirit  broke  out  in  Corinth  ;  ^  and  beyond  all, 
there  was  one  who  abused  "that  disciple  whom 
Jesus  loved,"  and  would  not  receive  those  whom 
he  sent. 

Reading  the  New  Testament  for  edification,  we 
are  apt  to  overlook  these  scattered  notices  ;  but  they 
are  windows  through  which  one  catches  sight  of 
existing  evils  around  and  within. 

There  is  a  curious  relic  of  ancient  date  bearing  the 
name  of  Barnabas,  and  spoken  of  as  written  by  the 
fellow-labourer  of  St.  Paul.  Clement  of  Alexandria 
so  regarded  it.^  Origen  cites  it  as  the  Catholic 
Epistle  of  Barnabas,^  and  it  is  found  in  the  Sinaitic 
manuscript  of  the  New  Testament.  Westcott  sum- 
marises its  character  thus :  "  It  treats  the  Mosaic 
legislation  as  having  only  a  symbolical  meaning. 
It  had  no  historical,  no  disciplinary  value  whatever. 
The  outward  embodiment  of  the  enigmatic  ordinances 
was  a  pernicious  delusion.      As   a  mere  fleshly  ob- 


'  Gal.  ii.  II  ;  Acts  xv. ;  i  Cor.  i.  10-17.  "  Strom.,  vi.,  84. 

^  Contra  Celsuni,  i.,  63. 


Ch.  I]  INSPIRED  RECORDS,   ETC.  i  i 

servance  circumcision  was  the  work  of  an  evil 
power."  ^  The  contents  are  inconsistent  with  apostolic 
authorship,  and  the  production  is  to  me  a  great 
puzzle." 

At  the  close  of  the  first  century,  and  early  in 
the  second,  a  group  of  letters  appeared  written  by 
"  Apostolic  Fathers."  The  earliest  is  from  the  pen 
of  Clement,  Bishop  of  Rome,  whose  death  is  dated 
under  the  year  lOO  A.D.  It  appears  possible  that 
in  the  Clementines,  to  be  presently  noticed,  there 
are  fragments  of  truth  respecting  Clement's  relatives, 
but  they  throw  no  light  whatever  upon  his  biography. 
Legends  followed  touching  his  martyrdom,  and  the 
transportation  of  his  relics  to  the  East,  where  they 
were  said  to  be  discovered  by  Greek  missionaries. 
The  first  of  the  two  epistles  ascribed  to  Clement  is 
genuine.  There  is  in  it  nothing,  properly  speaking, 
historical,  nor,  in  the  exact  sense,  theological.  It  is 
simply /nrc/zVrt/ and  religious;  it  supplies  no  reference 
to  any  apocryphal  literature. 

*  Westcott,  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews,  Ixxxii. 

^  There  is  a  learned  pamphlet,  entitled  Aji  Argument  by 
Coustaiithie  Tischendorf,  with  a  narrative  of  the  discovery  of 
the  Sinaitic  Manuscript,  translated  and  published  by  the 
Religious  Tract  Society,  in  which  this  Epistle  of  Barnabas  is 
critically  noticed,  in  a  chapter  on  "  The  Testimony  of  Apostolic 
Fathers." 


12     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

The  next  Father  is  Ignatius,  Bishop  of  Antioch, 
martyred  at  Rome  early  in  the  second  century — to 
be  noticed  hereafter.  The  use  made  of  his  writings 
will  also  be  noticed  in  a  future  chapter.  Exhortations 
to  unity,  faith,  and  the  confession  of  Christ;  a  con- 
demnation of  false  teachers,  and  an  expression  of  a 
desire  for  speedy  dismissal  from  a  world  of  sin  and 
sorrow,  are  characteristics  of  the  Ignatian  remains. 

An  epistle,  by  an  unknown  author,  addressed  to 
Diognetus  is  without  date,  but  no  doubt  it  belongs 
to  the  early  part  of  the  second  century,  and  is  a 
precious  relic.  He  says  :  "  God  did  not,  as  one  might 
have  imagined,  send  to  men  any  servant,  or  angel, 
or  ruler,  or  any  who  bear  sway  over  the  earth,  or 
one  to  whom  the  government  of  things  in  the  heavens 
has  been  entrusted,  but  the  very  Creator  and 
Fashioner  of  all — by  whom  He  made  the  heavens 
— by  whom  He  enclosed  the  sea  within  its  bounds 
— whose  ordinances  the  stars  observe — from  whom 
the  sun  received  the  measure  of  his  course — whom 
the  moon  obeys — whom  the  stars  obey,  following 
the  moon  in  her  course  ;  by  whom  all  things  have 
been  placed  within  their  limits,  and  to  whom  all 
are  subject — the  heavens  and  the  things  that  are 
therein,  the  earth  and  the  things  that  are  therein, 
the  sea  and  the  things  therein.     He  gave  His  own 


Ch.I]  INSPIRED  RECORDS,   ETC.  13 

Son  as  a  ransom  for  us,  the  holy  for  transgressors, 
the  blameless  for  the  wicked,  the  righteous  for  the 
unrighteous,  the  incorruptible  for  the  corrupted,  the 
immortal  for  those  that  die.  What  else  was  capable 
of  covering  our  sins  but  His  righteousness  ?  O 
sweet  exchange !  O  unsearchable  operation  !  O 
benefits  surpassing  all  expectation !  that  the 
wickedness  of  many  should  be  hid  in  a  righteous 
One,  and  that  the  righteousness  of  One  should  justify 
many  transgressors."  He  would  have  Christians 
trust  His  loving-kindness,  and  regard  Him  as 
"  Nourisher,  Parent,  Teacher,  Counsellor,  Healer, 
Wisdom,  Light,  Honour,  Glory,  Power,  and  Life." 


CHAPTER   II 
RELIGIOUS  NOVELS 

WE  must  now  notice  productions  different 
from  those  just  described.  Fiction  has 
played  a  considerable  part  in  the  literature  of  all 
ages  and  communities.  Christendom  presents  no 
exception. 

Much  has  been  written  respecting  one  of  the 
oldest  books  we  have — Tlic  Shepherd  of  Hernias — 
belonging  to  the  second  century,  and  containing  six 
visions,  twelve  commandments,  and  ten  similitudes. 

The  Church  is  represented  with  six  youths,  who 
are  bid  to  go  and  build ;  with  stones  provided, 
white  and  square,  signifying  apostles,  bishops,  and 
teachers,  living  in  Gospel  holiness.  Other  stones, 
representing  reprobate  teachers,  are  set  aside. 
Then  appear  seven  women,  who  are  Faith  and 
her  daughters — Self-restraint,  Simplicity,  Guileless- 
ness,  Chastity,  Intelligence,  and   Love.      Tribulation 


Ch.  II]  RELIGIOUS  NOVELS  15 


approaches  her  in  the  form  of  wild  beasts.  Then 
comes  a  man,  in  shepherd's  attire,  from  whom  the 
book  derives  its  title,  and  he  delivers  twelve  com- 
mandments in  figurative  words.  The  ten  similitudes 
refer  to  faith,  fasting,  repentance,  and  good  works  ; 
and  present  an  elaborate  allegory  relative  to  building 
up  the  Church  militant  and  triumphant.  In  the 
ninth  similitude,  respecting  the  Church  under  the 
image  of  a  tower,  stones  are  represented  as  piled 
up,  symbolical  of  righteous  men  during  the  first 
and  second  ages,  and  of  apostles,  prophets,  and 
teachers.  Those  not  baptised  before,  were  after 
death  "  sealed  with  the  seal  of  the  Son  of  God." 
The  seal  is  water,  into  which  souls  enter  subject 
to  death,  and  rise  out  of  it  appointed  to  life. 

The  Clemcnimes  figure  in  the  history  of  early 
centuries.  They  consist  of  Recogrzitions  and  Hoviilies, 
with  an  epitome  or  abridgment.  They  all  turn  on 
the  history  of  Clement.  The  Greek  original  of  the 
Recognitions  is  lost,  but  a  Latin  version  of  it  has 
been  preserved.  There  is  also  in  existence  a  Syriac 
translation  of  the  first  three  books.  Its  circulation, 
with  the  other  Clementines^  was  probably  large,  and 
its  influence  is  to  be  estimated  accordingly.  The 
chief  characters  in  this  fiction  are  Simon  Magus,  the 
Apostle  Peter,  and  Clement  of  Rome  with  his  family. 


1 6     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

A  slight  sketch  of  its  contents  will  give  the  reader 
some  idea  of  its  nature  and  tendency. 

Of  Simon  Magus  impossible  stories  are  told.  He 
declares :  "  I  have  flown  through  the  air.  I  have 
made  myself  a  body  of  fire.  I  can  make  statues 
move,  and  give  life  to  what  is  dead.  Angels  uphold  me 
with  their  wings."  His  tricks  exceed  those  of  clever 
conjurers  in  our  day.  Much  is  said  of  his  transforma- 
tions.    He  appeared  with  other  people's  faces. 

The  title  of  Recognitions  relates  to  Clement's 
family.  Faustinianus  is  his  father,  Mattidia  his 
mother  ;  Faustus  and  Faustinus  are  twin  brothers. 
Suddenly  the  mother  departs  from  her  husband,  in 
obedience,  she  says,  to  a  dream  which  she  had 
feigned  as  an  excuse  for  escaping  the  licentious 
solicitations  of  her  brother-in-law.  In  her  flight 
she  takes  the  twin  boys,  and  the  father  cannot  learn 
what  has  become  of  them.  At  length  he  goes  him- 
self in  search  of  the  wanderers,  leaving  Clement 
behind,  who,  in  his  thirty-second  year,  travels  after 
them.  He  meets  with  Peter  at  Caesarea,  and  an 
intimate  friendship  springs  up  between  the  two.  -^ 
beggar-woman  appears,  who  turns  out  to  be  the 
lost  mother.  Then  follows  the  discovery  of  the 
twins,  after  they  had  suffered  shipwreck.  What  had 
become   of  the   father?      He   is   recognised    in   the 


Ch.  II]  RELIGIOUS  NOVELS  T? 

person  of  an  old  workman,  casually  met  with.  A 
long  discussion  follows  by  the  seaside  respecting 
generation,  creation,  providence,  the  atomic  theory, 
the  human  body,  and  other  subjects,  including  the 
origin  of  evil.  Before  this  talk  is  over,  the  parties 
enter  upon  heathen  mythology,  and  describe  the 
doings  of  gods  and  goddesses.  The  "  novel  "  closes 
with  the  baptism  of  Mattidia  in  the  sea,  her  sons 
being  present. 

The  Homilies  are  not  sermons,  but  twenty  chapters 
going  over  the  same  ground,  and  giving  a  confused 
and  wearisome  account  of  Clement  and  Appion — the 
latter  a  grammarian  of  Alexandria.  The  chapters 
contain  offensive  descriptions,  mixed  up  with  magical 
absurdities.  They  are  followed  by  revolting  con- 
versations and  correspondence,  together  with  amorous 
tales  of  Greek  deities.  Numerous  pages  are  full  of 
heathen  mythology,  with  allegorical  explanations.  I 
do  not,  however,  find  any  sympathy  expressed  with 
what  is  evil  ;  on  the  contrary,  some  amount  of  moral 
and  religious  instruction  may  be  found  amongst  much 
of  a  different  kind.  The  origin  of  the  Clementines 
has  been  discussed  ;  ^  but  the   moral  significance  of 

1  It  is  impossible  here  to  enter  upon  this  question  ;  I  can  only 
*•     refer  to  a  full  discussion  of  it  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Christian 
Biography^  article  "  Clementine  Literature." 


ir> 


1 8     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 


this  early  romance  does  not  appear  to  me  to  have 
been  sufficiently  considered. 

With  the  fictitious  literature  of  early  Christendom 
must  be  included  a  number  of  apocryphal  gospels, 
and  other  writings  of  a  similar  character.  Some  are 
of  later  date  than  the  third  century.  Indeed,  their 
origin  is  uncertain  ;  and  the  earliest,  probably,  have 
been  more  or  less  interpolated  and  changed.  The 
Protevangeliuni  of  James,  translated  repeatedly — 
fifty  MSS.  of  it  in  the  original  are  said  still  to  exist — 
relates  to  the  birth  of  our  Lord's  mother,  and  contains 
the  story  of  Joachim,  Anna,  and  the  Christ-Child,  as 
conveyed  in  early  legends,  and  depicted  by  Giotto 
and  other  mediaeval  artists.  Similar  tales  are  found 
in  TJie  Gospel  of  Ma;y's  Nativity,  The  History  of 
Joseph  the  Carpenter,  and  The  Gospel  of  Thomas. 
In  the  last  of  these,  actions  are  attributed  to  our 
Saviour's  boyhood  derogatory  to  His  holy  character. 
The  Gospel  of  Nicodenius  describes  Christ's  descent 
into  Hades.  Of  about  twenty  such  works,  I  can 
notice,  in  addition  to  those  now  mentioned,  only  The 
Passing  of  Mary  and  TJie  Acts  of  Paul  and  Thecla. 

The  Passing  of  Mary  contains  marvellous  accounts 
of  the  apostles  gathering  about  her  ;  together  with 
the  visit  of  angelic  multitudes,  her  celestial  assump- 
tion, the  descent  of  Christ  to  receive  her  soul,  the 


Ch.  II]  RELIGIOUS  NOVELS  19 

dropping  of  her  girdle  into  the  hands  of  St.  Thomas, 
and  a  meeting  between  the  Virgin  and  St.  Paul  in 
Paradise.  The  Acts  of  Paul  and  TJiecla  form  an 
incredible  story,  in  which  the  damsel  is  described  as 
visiting  the  Apostle  in  prison,  "  enchained  to  him  by 
affection." 

The  Virgin  is  the  principal  subject  in  The  Gospel  of 
the  Nativity  and  The  History  of  Joseph  the  Carpenter. 
The  falling  asleep  and  The  passing  azvay  of  Alary 
present  a  story  of  her  birth,  visits  paid  to  her  by 
angels,  her  spinning  purple  and  scarlet  for  the 
Temple,  her  conception,  her  marriage  with  Joseph, 
her  presence  at  his  death,  the  gathering  of  the 
apostles  at  her  funeral,  the  assumption  of  her  body 
to  heaven,  her  meeting  with  Paul  in  Paradise,  and 
the  homage  paid  her  by  angels.  The  picturesqueness 
and  poetry  manifest  in  these  details  are  made  familiar 
to  art  students  by  Italian  painters.  Such  legends 
grew  up  by  degrees,  and  vary  in  different  recensions 
— Syriac,  Arabic,  Greek,  and  Latin.  Tischendorf 
assigns  their  earliest  date  to  the  fourth  century  ;  but 
it  is  probable  that  germs  of  them  existed  at  an  earlier 
period  ;  large  additions  were  made  afterwards. 

Grote,  in  his  History  of  Greece,  justly  remarks : 
"  Neither  discrepancies  nor  want  of  evidence,  in  refer- 
ence to  alleged  antiquities,   shocked   the   faith   of  a 


20     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  1 

non-historical  public.  What  they  wanted  was  a 
picture  of  the  past,  impressive  to  their  feelings  and 
plausible  to  their  imagination."  ^  The  remark  may  be 
applied  to  the  credulity  of  many  early  Christians. 
The  same  author  says :  "  Even  during  the  third 
century  of  the  Christian  era,  when  the  old  forms  of 
Paganism  were  waning,  and  when  the  stock  of  myths 
in  existence  was  extremely  abundant,  we  see  this 
demand  in  great  force."  A  spirit  in  the  air  would 
be  likely  to  affect  large  classes  distinct  from  each 
other.  Christian  apologists  saw  clearly  enough  the 
absurdities  of  heathen  fables.  How  they  regarded 
these  stories,  which  made  way  among  ignorant 
Christians,  does   not  appear. 

If  some  productions  now  noticed  were  heretical, 
most  were  chiefly  intended  to  gratify  curiosity  and 
a  love  for  the  marvellous  ;  hence  their  circulation  is 
not  likely  to  have  been  confined  to  particular  sects. 
Orthodox  and  heretical  people  do  not  appear  to  have 
been  gathered  into  distinct  camps,  though  contro- 
versial writings  may  suggest  that  idea.  People  of 
different  opinions  talked  together  and  told  sensational 
tales ;  they  read  what  was  written,  and  the  influence 
of  fiction  would  be  diffused  over  a  wide  circle. 

*■  History  of  Greece ,  vol.  i.,  p.  43,  edit.  1869, 


Ch.II]  RELIGIOUS  NOVELS  2i 


Perhaps  some  readers  nowadays,  after  being 
reminded  of  apocryphal  gospels  and  similar  writings, 
may  wonder  why  anybody  should  care  to  examine 
their  contents.  Like  many  things,  however,  which 
a  hasty  judgment  would  doom  to  destruction,  these 
remains  may  be  put  to  useful  account.  Examination 
of  them  serves  to  show,  by  way  of  contrast,  the 
superiority  of  Holy  Scripture,  and  how  wisely, 
through  Divine  direction,  those  thoughtful  men  who 
settled  the  Canon  set  the  apocryphal  aside.  To 
study  these  relics  critically  is  an  aid  to  faith  ;  such 
study  has  been  employed  in  establishing  the  genuine- 
ness and  authority  of  our  New  Testament. 

More  than  this,  they  are  of  historical,  though  not 
of  religious  use,  throwing  light  on  the  period  to 
which  they  pertain.  They  are  specimens  of  a  large 
class  circulated  about  the  same  time — a  number  of 
them  known  only  by  their  titles.  The  works  them- 
selves have  perished,  a  fate  probably  they  deserved. 
But  the  fact  of  their  existing  when  they  did,  dissi- 
pates the  delusion  that  those  who  lived  so  near 
apostolic  days,  and  honoured  Christ's  family  and 
personal  followers,  must  have  been  eminent  Christian 
people,  more  intelligent  and  devout  than  those  of 
aftertimcs.  Perhaps  this  mistaken  idea  exists  still. 
What  is  more  serious,  no  attempt  appears  to  have 


2  2     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

been  made  at  the  time  of  their  first  circulation  to 
expose  their  falsity.  Wherever  they  were  accepted 
their  effect  must  have  been  injurious. 

Before  I  finish  notices  of  this  kind,  mention  should 
be  made  of  recent  discoveries  in  an  old  cemetery  at 
Panapolis,  Upper  Egypt.  An  apocalypse — a  Gospel 
of  Peter— has  been  found  there.  Peter,  it  is  related, 
had  secrets  of  the  other  world  revealed  to  him,  and 
the  redeemed  were  seen  "  white  as  driven  snow," 
while  the  lost  were  wrapt  in  "  the  blackness  of  dark- 
ness." The  following  is  an  extract  from  T/ie  Gospel 
of  Peter  : — 

"  And  I  saw  also  another  place,  and  it  was  a  place 
of  chastisement ;  and  those  that  were  being  chas- 
tised, and  the  angels  that  were  chastising,  had  their 
raiment  dark  according  to  the  atmosphere  of  that 
place.  And  there  were  some  there  hanging  by  their 
tongues,  and  these  were  they  that  blaspheme  the 
way  of  righteousness.  And  I  saw  the  murderers 
and  them  that  had  conspired  with  them  cast  into  a 
certain  narrow  place  full  of  evil  reptiles,  and  being 
smitten  by  those  beasts,  and  wallowing  there  thus 
in  that  torment ;  and  there  were  set  upon  them 
worms  as  it  were  clouds  of  darkness.  And  the 
souls  of  them  that  had  been  murdered  were  stand- 
ing   and    looking    upon    the    punishment   of    those 


Ch.  II]  RELIGIOUS  NOVELS  23 

murderers,  and  saying,  '  O  God,  righteous  is  Thy 
judgment.' " 

The  Gospel  of  Peter  describes  Pilate  as  nothing 
without  Herod,  and  Nicodemus  is  represented  as 
Pilate's  friend.  Jesus  is  seen  sitting  on  Pilate's 
throne  ;  and  it  is  curious  to  notice  that  Archbishop 
Whately  used  to  give,  "  and  set  Him  [i.e.  Jesus]  on 
the  judgment-seat"  (John  xix.  13),  as  a  legitimate 
rendering  of  the  original.^  The  writer  describes  our 
Lord's  crucifixion  as  painless,  and  thus  indicates 
himself  as  one  of  the  Docetas  (so-called),  who  sup- 
posed Christ  was  a  man  only  in  appearance.  People 
are  represented  as  carrying  lamps  during  the  super- 
natural darkness  at  the  time  of  the  crucifixion.  The 
writer  conveys  the  idea  that  the  Divine  nature 
descended  on  the  human  Christ  at  His  baptism, 
and  departed  whilst  He  hung  upon  the  cross  : — 

"  There  was  a  great  voice  from  heaven,  and  (the 
soldiers)  saw  the  heavens  opened,  and  two  men 
descending  thence  with  a  great  light,  and  approach- 

^  See  p.  18  of  the  work  The  Gospel  according  to  Peter,  and  the 
Revelation  op  Peter.  Edited  by  J.  Armitage  Robinson,  B.D.,  and 
Montague  Rhodes  James,  M.A.  In  this  pamphlet  the  writers 
say :  "  Archbishop  Whately  used  to  translate  the  words  in 
John  xix.  13,  'and  set  Him  on  the  judgment-seat '—a  legitimate 
rendering  of  the  Greek."  So  it  seems  Justin  Martyr  read  the 
passage  {ApoL,  i.,  35). 


24    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM      [Part  I 

ing  the  tomb.  And  the  stone  which  was  put  at  the 
door  rolled  away  of  itself  and  departed  on  one  side  ; 
and  the  tomb  was  opened,  and  both  the  young  men 
entered  it.  When  therefore  the  soldiers  saw  it  they 
awakened  the  centurion  and  the  elders,  for  they  too 
were  hard  by  keeping  watch  ;  and  as  they  declared 
what  things  they  had  seen,  again  they  see  coming 
forth  from  the  tomb  three  men,  and  the  two  sup- 
porting the  one,  and  a  cross  following  them.  And 
of  the  two  the  head  reached  unto  the  heavens,  but 
the  head  of  Him  that  was  led  overpassed  the  heavens. 
And  they  heard  a  voice  from  the  heavens,  saying 
'  Hast  Thou  preached  to  them  that  sleep  ?  '  And  an 
answer  was  heard  from  the  cross,  '  Yea.' " 


CHAPTER  III 
LANDMARKS   OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICLSM 

IT  is  well  to  glance  at  this  subject  thus  early, 
because  here  we  have  something  visible,  which 
must  have  caught  the  eye  of  the  outside  world  at 
an  early  period.  Doctrines  of  the  Gospel  might  be 
unintelligible  to  outsiders,  but  the  word  Ecdcsia 
placed  before  people  what  they  could  see  and  under- 
stand. The  word  denoted  gatherings  of  different 
kinds,  but  it  was  specially  employed  to  denote  a 
gathering  of  Christian  people.  Its  master  meaning 
was  a  confederation  of  those  who  professed  to  obey 
Jesus  of  Nazareth.  Divine  authority  was  claimed 
for  such  societies.  By  Divine  call,  under  Divine  rule, 
they  professed  to  meet  and  conduct  their  religious 
affairs. 

More  of  a  popular  element  appeared  in  some  cases 
than  in  others  as  to  the  control  of  affairs.  Christian 
people  at  Corinth  were  conspicuously  dem.ocratic. 

25 


26     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

Bishops  and  deacons,  as  we  shall  see,  were  con- 
spicuous in  other  Christian  communities,  but  no 
mention  of  either  is  made  in  the  Letters  to  Corinth. 
We  have  the  echo  of  cries,  "  I  am  of  Paul,"  "  I  am  of 
Apollos,"  "  I  am  of  Cephas,"  and  "  I  am  of  Christ."  ^ 
It  would  seem  that  this  Church,  when  assembled, 
contained  members,  some  claiming  to  follow  one 
teacher,  and  some  another ;  others  repudiated  these 
party  cries,  whilst  they  adopted  another,  and  pro- 
fessed in  a  special,  if  not  exclusive  sense,  that  they 
were  followers  of  Jesus  Christ. 

It  is  remarkable  that  in  the  Pauline  Epistles, 
bishops  and  deacons  are  noticed  together  as  ecclesi- 
astical officers  only  in  the  case  of  Philippi.^  The 
name,  however,  of  Bishop  is  recognised  in  the  Apostle 
Paul's  address  to  those  who,  in  the  narrative,  are 
distinctly  called  Elders  (Presbyters)  of  the  Church.^ 
"  It  is  a  fact  now  generally  recognised  by  theologians 
of  all  shades  of  opinion,"  says  Bishop  Lightfoot, "  that 
in  the  language  of  the  New  Testament  the  same 
office  in  the  Church  is  called  indifferently  Bishop 
and  Elder."  ^ 


1  I  Cor.  i.  12. 

2  Phil.  i.  I. 

3  Acts  XX.  17,  28. 

*  Lightfoot  on  St.  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Philippians,  p.  95. 


Ch.III]      LANDMARKS  OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    2^ 

In  the  Epistle  to  Ephesus  Paul  gives  a  picture  of 
brotherhood  and  love.  "  And  He  gave  some  to  be 
apostles  ;  and  some,  prophets  ;  and  some,  evangelists  ; 
and  some,  pastors  and  teachers  ;  for  the  perfecting  of 
the  saints,  unto  the  work  of  the  ministry,  unto  the 
building  up  of  the  body  of  Christ  :  till  we  all  attain 
unto  the  unity  of  the  faith,  and  of  the  knowledge  of 
the  Son  of  God,  unto  a  perfect  man,  unto  the  measure 
.of  the  stature  of  the  fulness  of  Christ."  ^ 

The  Epistles  to  Corinth  and  to  Ephesus  convey 
to  us  two  different  aspects  under  which  ecclesiastical 
life  would  appear  at  the  time  they  were  written. 
When  Paul  met  the  presbyters  from  Ephesus  he 
called  them  Bishops. 

The  primitive  ministry  included  local  and  itinerant 
agents.  We  read  of  "  apostles,"  "  prophets,"  "  evan- 
gelists "  ;  also  of  "  bishops  "  and  "  angels."  Seven 
men  of  good  report,  full  of  the  Spirit  and  of  wisdom, 
were  appointed  to  look  after  poor  brethren  and 
sisters  in  Jerusalem.  These  seven  disappear,  and 
then  we  read  of  "  deacons,"  who  performed  a  like 
office.  Was  preaching  a  diaconal  duty  ?  Certainly 
in  those  days  deacons  did  preach,  but  that  might 
mean  nothing  more  than  religious  conversation  ;  for 

1  Eph.  iv.  11-16. 


28     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

Philip,  in  the  Eunuch's  chariot,  "  preached  unto  him 
Jesus."  We  meet,  as  noticed  already,  with  elders  at 
Ephesus  whom  Paul  addressed  as  bishops}  Philippi, 
as  we  have  seen,  had  bishops  and  deacons.  Moreover, 
Paul  uses  the  word  "'  deacon  "  in  a  general  as  well 
as  an  official  sense.  Peter  writes  as  an  "elder." 
Timothy  is  named  "  deacon,"  and  forbidden  to  rebuke 
an  elder,  but  to  work  as  "evangelist."  Not  one  is 
called  in  the  New  Testament  sacerdos,  a  priest. 

What  is  meant  by  the  mention  of  "  angel,"  in  the 
epistles  to  the  seven  Churches  noticed  by  St.  John, 
has  been  largely  discussed.  Origcn  and  Jerome 
regard  it  as  meaning  what  is  generally  understood 
by  the  word.  Hengstenberg  believes  it  is  intended 
to  denote  an  associated  body  of  rulers — in  fact,  a 
"  presbytery."  Ebrard  explains  it  as  signifying  some 
special  messenger  deputed  to  St.  John,  to  whom  he 
entrusted  an  epistle  in  reply.  Lightfoot  remarks, 
whether  the  word  denotes  an  actual  person  or  per- 
sonification, the  "  angel  "  is  made  responsible  for  the 
Church  :  "  He  is  punished  with  it,  and  he  is  rewarded 
with  it."  '^ 

'  The  word  fniaKonos,  as  indicative  of  ecclesiastical  office, 
occurs  four  times  in  the  New  Testament :  Acts  x.^.  28 ;  Phil.  i.  i  ; 
I  Tim,  iii.  2  ;  Titus  i.  7. 

^  St  Paul's  Epistle  to  the  Philippians,  bj-  Lightfoot,  p.  200. 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS    OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    29 

In  the  Epistle  of  Paul  to  Titus,  we  have  directions 
given,  not  to  a  local  bishop,  but  to  a  missionary 
superintendent  appointed  to  ordain  elders  in  every 
city  of  Crete  where  Churches  were  formed.'  Evi- 
dently he  had   a  special  commission. 

We  catch  some  further  glimpses  of  early  minis- 
terial orders  in  a  work  entitled  the  Didaclie^-  spoken 
of  by  Clement  of  Alexandria.  There  were  itinerant 
teachers  who  went  from  place  to  place  under  what 
they  regarded  as  a  Divine  impulse.  They  are  called 
"  apostles,"  "  prophets,"  "  teachers."  We  are  startled 
by  the  following  words  in  this  primitive  relic : 
"  Every  apostle  who  cometh  to  you,  let  him  be 
received  as  the  Lord  ;  but  he  shall  not  remain  more 
than  one  day  ;  if,  however,  there  be  need,  then  the 
next  day  ;  but  if  he  remain  three  days,  he  is  a  false 
prophet.  But  when  the  apostle  departs,  let  him 
take  nothing  except  bread  enough  to  last  him  till 
he  reach  his  resting-place  for  the  night ;  but  if  he 
ask  for  money  he  is  a  false  prophet."  Were  there 
religious  tramps  in  those  days,  who  made  gain  of 
godliness  ? 

The  fact  that  all  early  Churches  were  tiot  exactly 


1  Titus  i.  5. 

'  It  has  been  translated  and  published  by  the  Dean  of  Gloucester. 


so     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM     [part  I 

alike  distinctly  appears.  Corinth,  as  already  noticed, 
had  no  bishop,  no  deacons.  Clement  writes  to 
them,  not  in  his  own  name,  but  in  that  of  his  flock. 
Bishops  distinctly  appear  in  the  letters  of  Ignatius 
to  Ephesians,  Magnesians,  Trallians,  Romans,  Phila- 
delphians,  and  Smyrnians.  I  cannot  find  anywhere 
notice  of  episcopal  rule  over  a  rural  congregation. 

Changes  in  an  episcopal  form  of  government  have 
become  a  subject  of  controversy.  I  content  myself 
with  the  result  of  Bishop  Lightfoot's  researches. 
The  learned  author  admits  that  a  bishop  was  still 
called  presbyter  by  Irenaeus  ;  that  the  same  estimate 
of  office  appears  in  Clement  of  Alexandria ;  that 
in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  it  was  customary 
for  a  bishop  to  address  a  presbyter  as  a  fellow 
presbyter  ;  that  there  early  arose  a  considerable  exal- 
tation of  the  episcopate  ;  that  the  same  tendency 
appears  in  notices  of  Ebionism  ;  that  Montanism 
was  a  reaction  against  this  change  ;  that  the  advance 
of  episcopal  power  was  unconnected  with  sacerdo- 
talism in  the  primitive  Church,  though  it  rapidly 
spread  at  a  later  date  ;  that  Cyprian  was  champion 
of  priestliness  ;  and  that  later  episcopacy  was  a 
development  caused  by  surrounding  influences.^ 

^  Lightfoot  on  Epistle  to  Philippians,  pp.  98,  226,  236,  240-245. 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS  OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    31 

Little  is  said  in  the  New  Testament  about  ordi- 
nation. The  word  denoting  it  means  "  stretching 
out  the  hand  "  to  indicate  choice.  The  word  used  in 
Acts  xiv.  23  ("  'x^LpoTovrjaavre^  ")  would  literally  imply 
a  "  show  of  hands,"  and  whether  this  was  the  mode 
of  election  or  not,  we  may  conclude  that  Paul  and 
Barnabas  called  upon  the  believers  to  recommend 
some  of  their  number  for  the  office  of  elder  ;  and 
the  persons  thus  recommended  were  instructed  in 
their  duties,  and  had  the  care  of  the  Church  com- 
mitted to  them.^ 

The  priesthood  of  the  Gospel  appears  in  the  New 
Testament  as  pertaining  to  all  believers.  "  Unto  Him 
that  loveth  us,  and  loosed  us  from  our  sins  by  His 
blood,  and  He  made  us  to  be  a  kingdom,  to  be  priests 
unto  His  God  and  Father,"  are  words  at  the  opening 
of  the  Apocalypse  to  the  same  effect.^  "  A  royal 
priesthood "  is  an  expression  which  fills  us  with 
devout  astonishment  ;  but  in  the  Book  of  Revelation 
it  embraces  the  whole  redeemed  Church  of  Christ, 
and  is  never  used  to  signify  ministers  of  the  Gospel 
as  distinguished  from  other  people.  No  sacerdotal 
order,   in   and   over  the   Church,  finds  place  in    the 

^  Burton's    Lectures    on   Ecclesiastical  History — First   Three 
CenturieSy  p.  150. 
2  Rev.  i.  6. 


32     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     rpartj 

New  Testament.  When  speaking  of  a  priest-like 
ministration  under  the  present  economy,  the  author 
of  the  Epistle  to  the  Hebrews  extends  it  to  the 
whole  multitude  of  the  redeemed.  "  Through  Him 
[Christ,  the  High  Priest  of  our  profession]  let  us 
offer  up  a  sacrifice  of  praise  to  God  continually, 
that  is,  the  fruit  of  lips  which  make  confession  to 
His  name."  ^  But  when  we  turn  from  these  passages 
to  the  literature  of  the  second  and  third  centuries, 
we  discover  that  Christendom  was  in  some  quarters 
being  impregnated  with  a  notion  that  bishops  and 
presbyters  were  mediators  between  God  and  man, 
like  the  Aaronic  order. 

Each  of  the  Christian  communities,  with  its  pastor 
or  pastors,  was  complete  in  itself ;  but  there  were 
bonds  of  union  amongst  them  of  two  kinds.  We 
find  at  an  early  period  traces  of  commendatory 
letters  sent  by  one  Church  to  another,  relative  to 
disciples,  upon  their  removal  from  place  to  place. 
Wherever  a  Christian  traveller  went,  if  provided 
with  one  of  these  certificates,  he  found  welcome  and 
hospitality.^  Such  documents  were  not  given  by 
orthodox  Churches  to  those  out  of  communion  with 


'  Heb,  xiii.  15.     Here  I  follow  Dean  Vaughan. 

^  TertuUian,  De  PrcEScriptiottibus  Hcercticorum,  c.  20. 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS   OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    33 

them ;  hence  no  single  practice  of  early  Christians 
tended  so  much  as  this  to  impress  a  stamp  of  unity 
on  collective  communities  recognising  one  another. 
Indeed,  a  person  free  of  one  Christian  Church  was 
free  of  others ;  and  whilst  each  Church  was  an  entire 
fellowship  in  itself,  the  aggregate  fellowships  con- 
stituted an  extensive  confederation.  Gatherings  of 
pastors  of  different  local  communities  for  counsel, 
and  the  determination  of  matters  pertaining  to  the 
general  welfare,  constituted  interlacing  bonds.  At 
an  early  period  of  the  second  century  such  meetings 
were  held.  They  increased  in  Asia  and  in  the 
West.  Councils,  however,  is  a  term  applied  by 
Tertullian  to  meetings  of  a  single  Church.^ 

We  proceed  to  notice  Christian  worship.  Preach- 
ing was  accompanied  by  praise  and  prayer.  When 
we  remember  the  musical  character  of  Jewish  service, 
we  do  not  wonder  that  "  psalms,  hymns,  and  spiritual 
songs "  were  common  with  primitive  believers. 
Pliny  says,  in  his  letter  to  Trajan,  "  Christians  sang 
hymns  to  Christ  as  God."  ^  In  the  primitive  Church 
of  the  third,  if  not  the  second  century,  catechumens 
engaged  "  in  a  service  of  song  and  Scripture  reading." 
This    was    followed    by   the   united    worship   of  the 


Tertullian,  De  Pudicitia.  ^  Ep.,  I.,  x.,  97. 

O 


34     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

"  faithful,"  as  decided  and  accepted  Christians  were 
called,  who  joined  in  the  Holy  Communion/  Metrical 
hymns,  it  is  said,  are  not  earlier  than  the  days  of 
Ambrose. 

An  ancient  hymn,  ascribed  to  Clement  of  Alex- 
andria, is  filled  with  adoration  of  the  Saviour.  It 
is  figurative  in  character  and  fragmentary  in  form, 
but  intensely  evangelical  in  spirit — difficult  to  trans- 
late rhythmically,  but  clearly  conveying  the  ideas 
which  inspired  it.  As  the  wing  to  a  bird,  the  helm 
to  a  ship,  the  shepherd  to  his  flock,  the  husbandman 
to  his  field,  and  milk  to  an  infant,  such  is  Christ 
to  the  faithful.  That  is  the  substance  of  the  hymn. 
Thoughts  struggle  for  expression  ;  the  neck  of  the 
vessel  is  too  narrow  for  the  outlet  of  what  it  contains. 

Bingham  tells  us  there  is  evidence  for  set  forms 
of  worship  in  the  third  century,  and  adduces  Hip- 
polytus  in  proof  Palmer,  in  his  Origines,  thinks 
there  are  strong  reasons  for  believing  the  so-called 
Liturgy  of  St.  James  may  be  traced  back  from  the  fifth 
to  the  third  century.  These  authors,  however,  do  not 
supply  satisfactory  proofs  for  their  assumptions. 

Perhaps  the  earliest  indication  of  liturgical  worship 
is  found  in  a  Carthaginian  council  of  the  third  century. 

^  Bingham's  Works,  Vol.  III.,  pp.  8-11. 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS   OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    35 


Bingham  ^  has  shown  that  worship  was  offered,  in  the 
ante-Nicene  age,  to  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit, 
but  not  to  any  saints  or  angels ;  and  that  it  was 
always  expressed  in  the  language  of  the  people. 
Cyprian  refers  to  the  daily  celebration  of  the 
Eucharist.2  Egyptian  Christians  took  off  their 
shoes  on  entering  church,  as  I  saw  them  do  when 
I  was  in  Alexandria. 

Bishop  Lightfoot  remarks :  "  The  origin  of  the 
earliest  extant  liturgies  is  a  question  of  high  im- 
portance ;  and  with  the  increased  interest  which  the 
subject  has  aroused  in  England  of  late  years,  it  may 
be  hoped  that  a  solution  of  the  problem  connected 
with  it  will  be  seriously  undertaken  ;  but  no  satis- 
factory result  will  be  attained  unless  it  is  approached 
in  a  thoroughly  critical  spirit,  and  without  the  design 
of  supporting  foregone  conclusions."  ^ 

"There  was  at  this  time  no  authoritative  written 
liturgy  in  use  in  the  Church  of  Rome,  but  the  prayers 
were  modified  at  the  discretion  of  the  officiating 
minister.  Under  the  dictation  of  habit  and  ex- 
perience,    however,    these    prayers    were    gradually 


'  Works,  Vol.  IV.,  chaps,  ii.,  iii.,  iv. 

2  De  Orat. 

^  Apostolic  Fathers — Clement  of  Rome,  i.,  p.  385. 


36     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

assuming  a  fixed  form  ;  a  more  or  less  definite  order 
in  the  petitions,  a  greater  or  less  constancy  in  the 
individual  expressions,  was  already  perceptible.  As 
the  chief  pastor  of  the  Romish  Church  would  be  the 
main  instrument  in  thus  moulding  the  liturgy,  the 
prayers,  without  actually  being  written  down,  would 
assume  in  his  mind  a  fixity  as  time  went  on.  When, 
therefore,  at  the  close  of  his  epistle,  he  (Clement  of 
Rome)  asks  his  readers  to  fall  on  their  knees,  and 
lay  down  their  jealousies  and  disputes,  at  the  foot- 
stool of  grace,  his  language  naturally  runs  into  those 
antithetical  forms  and  measured  cadences  which  his 
ministrations  in  the  Church  had  rendered  habitual 
with  him  when  dealing  with  such  a  subject.  This 
explanation  seems  to  suit  the  facts.  The  prayer  is 
not  given  as  a  quotation  from  an  acknowledged 
document,  but  as  an  immediate  outpouring  of  the 
heart  ;  yet  it  has  all  the  appearance  of  a  fixed  form. 
This  solution  accords,  moreover,  with  the  notices 
which  we  find  elsewhere  respecting  the  liturgy  of 
the  early  Church,  which  seem  to  point  to  forms  of 
prayer  more  or  less  fluctuating,  even  at  a  later  date 
than  this."i 

But  worship  was  always  in  the  common  language 


Lightfoot's  Clement  of  Rome,  i.,  p.  3S6. 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS   OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    37 

of  the  people.  "  Greeks  use  Greek,  Romans  Roman  ; 
every  one  in  his  own  dialect  prays  to  God  and  gives 
thanks.  The  Lord  of  all  languages  hears  those  who 
pray  in  different  tongues.  He  is  not  as  one  who 
selects  one  language  knowing  nothing  of  another." 
This  is  what  Origen  says  in  his  Contra  Cclsum} 

The  first  day  of  the  week — "the  Lord's  day,"  as 
the  Apostle  John  calls  it — was  kept  sacred  as  far  as 
possible.  But  a  slave  was  not  master  of  his  own 
time,  and  therefore  many  poor  people  would  be 
debarred  the  privilege,  until  after  imperial  authority 
had  made  it  a  day  of  rest  ;  this  was  indicated  by 
closing  the  law  courts  at  that  season. 

It  requires  a  great  effort  in  our  time  to  realise 
the  state  of  society  in  the  first  three  centuries,  as 
regards  the  use  of  the  first  day.  Now  it  is  with 
us  in  England  a  holiday.  Business  is  suspended. 
Certain  amusements  are  held  in  abeyance.  In 
apostolic  times,  and  long  afterwards,  the  first  day 
of  the  week  was  like  other  days.  Business  and 
amusement  went  on  as  usual.  Shops  were  kept 
open,  and  so  were  places  of  amusement.  The 
Christian  slave  was  at  his  master's  beck  and  call. 
He    was    not    free   "  to   attend    church,"   as   is   now 

'  I.,  viii.,  c.  37. 


38     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

the  case  commonly  with  our  domestics.  The  state 
of  society  must  have  affected  Christian  habits  in 
ways  difficult  for  us  to  imagine.  Sunday  habits,  as 
we  may  call  them,  could  not  be  then  what  they 
are  now.  A  state  of  civilisation,  in  the  first  three 
centuries  different  from  ours,  must  have  affected 
many  usages  of  Christian  life.  The  fact  is  often 
overlooked  in  the  use  we  make  of  early  ecclesiastical 
precedents. 

A  review  of  New  Testament  teaching  leaves  the 
impression  that  all  public  worship  was  framed  on 
the  basis  of  a  Jewish  synagogue  rather  than  the 
Jewish  Temple.  If  worship  was  divinely  designed 
to  be  elaborately  ceremonial,  as  it  afterwards  be- 
came, it  is  amazing  to  find  nothing  for  that  purpose 
taught  in  either  Gospels  or  Epistles.  Vitringa, 
Bernard,  and  others  have  gone  far  in  a  theory,  that 
primitive  worshippers  imitated  the  Jews  in  having 
desk,  pulpit,  alms-chest,  and  ark  in  their  solemnities. 
What  we  read  of  Paul's  exhortation  at  Antioch,  and 
his  joining  devout  women  at  Philippi  by  "the  river 
side,  where  prayer  was  wont  to  be  made  " — seems  to 
run  on  a  line  with  Jewish  customs  appearing  after  the 
return  from  captivity.  But  it  appears  to  me  that,  whilst 
in  the  first  century  a  synagogue  fashion  obtained, 
there  set    in    afterwards    arrangements    for    religious 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS  OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    39 

service    more  after  the  Temple  form,  with  its  altar 
and  Holy  of  Holies. 

There  are  two  Christian  ordinances  of  Divine 
appointment — baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper.  The 
Teaching  of  the  Twelve,  Chap.  VH.,  says:  "Baptise 
into  the  name  of  the  Father,  and  of  the  Son,  and 
of  the  Holy  Spirit,  in  running  water.  But,  if  thou 
hast  not  running  water,  baptise  in  other  water  ; 
and  if  thou  canst  not  in  cold,  then  in  warm.  But 
before  the  baptism  let  the  baptiser  and  the  baptised 
fast."  Tertullian  mentions,  in  connection  with 
baptism,  renouncing  the  devil,  his  pomps  and  angels  ; 
"  watching,  confessing  sin,  dipping  thrice,  tasting 
honey  and  milk,  and  abstaining  for  a  week  afterwards 
from  daily  ablutions."  ^ 

What  Tertullian  says  of  baptism  is  remarkable.  He 
contends  that  in  creation  God  "  dignified  the  element 
of  water."  He  says  :  "  Darkness  covered  the  earth, 
and  the  heavens  were  unformed,  but  water,  perfect, 
cheerful,  simple,  pure,  supplied  a  vehicle  worthy  of 
God.  Water  was  a  source  of  life  at  the  beginning, 
and  is  so  still.  It  is  fit  to  be  sanctified,  and  to  sanctify. 
Water,  after  prayer,  becomes  the  sacrament  of  sanctifi- 
cation.     Not  that  we  obtain  the  Holy  Spirit  in  water, 

'  De  Corona,  3. 


40     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

but,  being  cleansed  in  water,  under  the  Angel  [here 
Tertullian  seems  to  allude  to  the  Pool  of  Bethesda], 
we  are  prepared  for  the  Holy  Spirit."  He  adds  : 
"  Is  it  not  wonderful  that  death  should  be  washed 
away  by  bathing?  If  wonderful  it  ought,  on  that 
account,  rather  to  be  believed."  ^  I  am  struck  with 
the  different  tone  in  which  baptism  is  spoken  of 
by  Tertullian  and  others,  from  that  employed  in  the 
New  Testament. 

Cyprian  refers  to  the  baptismal  rite  as  preceded 
by  interrogation,  and  as  being  performed  by  asper- 
sion or  effusion,  with  water  sanctified  by  a  priest ; 
unction  also  is  referred  to  as  administered  to  the 
baptised.^  In  all  cases  the  name  of  Father,  Son,  and 
Holy  Ghost  was  solemnly  pronounced  ;  and  we 
notice  that  Easter  and  Pentecost  were  special  seasons 
for  administration. 

Very  strong  language  respecting  its  efficacy  is  also 
used  by  Justin  Martyr,  who  calls  it  "  the  washing 
of  salvation,"  "  the  remedy  for  birth  sin,"  and  "  the 
remission  of  transgressions " :  ^  also  by  Clement 
of  Alexandria,  who  writes  :  "  Our  transgressions  are 

^  De  Bapt.  Tertullian  dwells  on  baptism  at  length,  attaching 
to  it  great  efficacy. 

*  E'p.,  Ixix.,  II,  12  ;  Ixx.,  2,  3. 

*  All  this  and  more  may  be  found  in  his  Apol. 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS   OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    41 

remitted  by  one  sovereign  medicine,  baptism,  accord- 
ing to  the  Word.  Being  baptised  we  are  illuminated, 
being  illuminated  we  are  adopted,  being  adopted  we 
are  perfected,  being  perfected  we  are  immortal."  ^ 
He  speaks  of  life-giving  water  washing  away  former 
stains  and  pouring  into  the  cleansed  breast  the  light 
of  heaven,  of  drinking  in  the  Spirit,  and  being  created 
into  a  new  man  by  second  birth.^  Irenzeus  speaks 
of  its  regenerating  power.^  Cyprian  uses  strong 
expressions  in  reference  to  baptism  :  "  It  remits  sin  "  ; 
"  justifies,  purifies,  and  .sanctifies  "  ;  it  is  the  "  laver 
of  salvation  " ;  it  "  makes  us  new  men,  the  sons  and 
the  temples  of  God  "  ;  it  is  "  a  holy  and  heavenly 
washing,"  "  a  consummation  of  grace,"  '*  an  entrance 
on  eternal  life,"  death  to  the  old  man,  birth  of  the 
new  one.  These  expressions  are  employed  in  his 
Epistles. 

Cyprian  declares  baptismal  grace  is  equally 
bestowed,  but  unequally  retained,  and  that  Satan, 
repelled  by  baptism,  returns  when  faith  departs. 
Also,  invalidity  of  the  rite  is  attributed  to  its  ad- 
ministration by  heretics  and  schismatics.* 

After  all  I  have  read  on  the  subject  I  find  it  hard 


'  Pedag.,  i.,  6-12.  ^  ^^^  Har.,  iii.,  19. 

*  Ad  DonaL,  3.  *  See  Baptismo  and  De  Penit. 


42     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

to  define  exactly  the  kind  and  the  degree  of  efficacy 
the  Fathers  quoted  attached  to  baptismal  regenera- 
tion. It  is  remarkable  that  none  of  them  are  found 
disputing  or  criticising  the  strong  language  used 
by  others. 

As  to  the  Lord's  Supper,  the  frequency  of  its 
observance  in  the  earliest  age  is  manifest.  There 
is  a  difference  of  opinion  as  to  what  is  meant  in 
Acts  ii.  46  by  "  breaking  bread  from  house  to  house," 
or,  according  to  the  marginal  reading,  "breaking 
bread  at  home."  Some  think  that  it  refers  to 
ordinary  meals,  noteworthiness  of  which  in  this 
connection  seems  unmeaning.  Others,  with  more 
reason,  regard  it  as  indicating  the  Lord's  Supper. 
It  is  plain  in  Acts  xx.  7  that  the  words,  "  Upon 
the  first  day  of  the  week,  when  the  disciples  came 
together  to  break  bread,  Paul  preached  to  them  " — 
relate  to  the  Eucharist,  and  it  is  also  plain  that  this 
ordinance  was  an  integral  part  of  worship.  Justin 
Martyr's  account  of  Sunday  services  accords  with 
this  view.  In  The  Teaching  of  the  Twelve  we  find 
the   following  injunction  : — 

"  Thus  give  thanks,  as  regards  the  cup.  We  thank 
Thee,  our  Father,  for  the  holy  vine  of  David  Thy 
servant,  which  Thou  hast  made  known  to  us  through 
Jesus  Thy  Son  ;  to  Thee  be  glory  for  ever  ;  and  as 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS  OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    43 

regards  the  broken  bread,  We  thank  Thee,  our 
Father,  for  the  Hfe  and  the  knowledge  which  Thou 
hast  made  known  to  us  through  Jesus  Thy  Son  ; 
to  Thee  be  glory  for  ever.  Just  as  this  broken  bread 
was  once  scattered  in  grains  of  corn  over  the  hills, 
and  having  been  gathered  together  became  one,  so 
let  Thy  Church  be  gathered  together  from  the  ends 
of  the  earth  into  Thy  kingdom  :  for  Thine  is  the 
glory  and  the  power,  through  Jesus  Christ  for  ever. 
But  let  no  one  eat  and  drink  of  your  Eucharist 
except  those  baptised  in  the  name  of  the  Lord  ;  for 
as  regards  this,  the  Lord  hath  said,  '  Give  not  that 
which  is  holy  to  the  dogs.' " 

Ignatius  calls  the  bread  "  the  body  of  our  Saviour," 
"  the  flesh  of  the  crucified  and  risen  Lord,"  and  "  the 
medicine  of  immortality."  ^  Justin  Martyr  says  that 
the  food,  blessed  by  prayer,  is,  we  are  taught,  "  the 
flesh  and  blood  of  that  Jesus  who  was  made  flesh."  '^ 
Irenseus  remarks :  "  We  offer  to  Him  His  own. 
The  bread  produced  from  the  earth,  when  it 
receives  the  invocation  of  God,  is  no  longer 
common  bread,  but  the  Eucharist,  consisting  of 
the  earthly  and  the  heavenly."^  Such  language 
expresses    belief  of    a    mysterious    change   wrought 

>  His  Epistle.  ^  ApoL,  66.  =  Adv.  Hcer.,  iv.,  i8. 


44     LIGHTS  AND   SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

in  the  sacramental  elements  themselves,  but  tran- 
substantiation  of  mediaeval  date  went  far  beyond 
the  primitive  view  of  the  consecrated  bread  and 
wine.  The  sacrifice  on  the  altar  came  as  imitation 
of  Temple  service. 

The  teaching  of  the  Fathers  touching  sacraments 
has  been  so  long  a  battle-ground,  and  those  who  have 
studied  the  subject  have  been  so  anxious  to  find  that 
which  favours  their  own  views,  that  it  is  easier  to  pick 
out  from  them  our  individual  opinions  than  to  give 
an  unbiassed  viev/  of  the  whole  subject.  For  my  own 
part,  as  I  build  my  faith  on  the  Scriptures,  not  on  the 
Fathers,  some  of  their  views,  "so  different  in  many 
respects  from  apostolic  teaching,  have  no  authority. 
That  patristic  teaching  differed,  in  some  respects,  from 
apostolic  is  not  surprising  when  we  think  of  the 
heresies  which  existed  in  early  days.  If,  while 
apostles  were  living,  some  hearers  and  teachers 
wandered  into  error,  no  wonder  some  readers  did 
the   same. 

Festivals,  in  addition  to  the  Lord's  day,  began  to 
appear  at  an  early  period.  Easter  is  conspicuous  in 
this  respect.  In  Asia  Minor,  Christians  celebrated 
the  resurrection  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first 
month,  corresponding  with  our  March,  and  were 
called  quartadecimans.    The  Western  Churches  kept 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS  OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM     45 


their  Easter  upon  the  Lord's  day  following  the 
Jewish  passover.  Easterns  cited  as  their  authority 
the  time  of  the  Jewish  passover.  Other  Churches, 
Rome  amongst  the  rest,  appealed  to  an  apostolical 
tradition  in  support  of  their  own  view.  Other  festi- 
vals, including  Christmas,  are  of  later  date,  and  can  be 
traced  to  no  earlier  period  than  the  fourth  century. 

Wc  proceed  to  notice  what  relates  to  ecclesiastical 
discipline.  Nobody  was  admitted  to  participate  in 
the  Lord's  Supper  who  had  not  been  baptised  and 
were  not  acknowledged  Christians.  It  was  ad- 
ministered within  closed  doors.  On  that  account, 
partly  at  least,  it  came  to  be  called  a  mystery.  Celsus 
attacked  Christianity  on  the  ground  that  "  it  attracted 
bad  characters,  that  it  issued  a  proclamation  for  an 
assembly  of  robbers."  Origen  replied  :  "  It  urged  all 
men  to  come  to  Christ,  that  they  might  be  healed  of 
sin,  and  therefore  invited  all  to  submit  to  the  divmely 
curative  process."  He  says  :  "  When  those  who  are 
turned  towards  virtue  make  progress,  and  show  that 
they  have  been  led  so  far  as  to  practise  a  better  life, 
tJien^  and  not  before,  we  invite  them  to  participate  in 
our  mysteries,  for  we  speak  wisdom  amongst  them 
that  are  perfect."  ^ 

'   Contra  Cclsian,  iii.,  59. 


46     LIGHTS   AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

In  Paul's  First  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians,  he  refers 
to  discipline  as  necessary  when  members  transgressed 
Gospel  law  ;  but,  in  connection  with  this,  he  adds 
nothing  about  the  office  and  action  of  bishop  or 
presbyter  ;  he  entrusts  the  whole  community  with  an 
inquiry  into  the  case.  "  I  verily,  being  absent  in 
body  but  present  in  spirit,  have  already,  as  though  I 
zvere  prese?tt,  judged  him  that  hath  so  wrought  this 
thing,  in  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus,  ye  being 
gathered  together,  and  my  spirit,  with  the  power  of 
our  Lord  Jesus,  to  deliver  such  a  one  unto  Satan  for 
the  destruction  of  the  flesh,  that  the  spirit  may  be  saved 
in  the  day  of  the  Lord  Jesus." ^  Instead  of  sending 
an  officer  to  perform  the  duty,  he  leaves  its  execution 
with  the  whole  community. 

With  regard  to  discipline  at  a  later  date — the  third 
century,  for  instance — I  cannot  discover  in  Cyprian's 
writings  what  errors  in  opinions  or  conduct  regarding 
the  Church,  came  within  the  range  of  his  episcopal 
censure,  and  therefore  exposed  those  chargeable 
with  them,  to  ecclesiastical  discipline.  Gnosticism 
and  Ebionitism — in  other  words,  philosophical  specu- 
lations— carried  out  so  far  as  to  include  a  denial 
of  our  Lord's  divinity  and    atonement  ;  also  Jewish 

'  I  Cor.  V.  3-5. 


Ch.  Ill]     LANDMARKS  OF  EARLY  ECCLESIASTICISM    47 

conceptions  of  a   law   of  works,   opposed  to  salva- 
tion    by     grace, — these     anti-Christian     ideas,    with 
their  influence  on  character  and  conduct,  needed  to 
be  checked.     But  the  common  tone,  wherever  heresy 
is  mentioned,  looks  as  if  all  deviations  from  what  was 
deemed  orthodoxy   deserved    severe    treatment ;    and 
what    he   called   schism    might    be    only   preference 
for  one  bishop  before  another.     "  Schismatics,"  says 
the  good  man,  "  have  no  power,  no  authority,  cannot 
baptise,    have    no    church,    cannot    use    the     creed 
properly,  lose  the   savour  of  spiritual  wisdom,  have 
not  the    Holy    Spirit,   and    arc   to   be   ranked    with 
heathens."      Cyprian    compares  schism  to  the  revolt 
of  the  ten  tribes,  and   denounces  it  as  a  denial  of 
Christ's  Church  ;    and  says  those  who  partake  in  it 
share  the  guilt  of  its  authors.     "  How  without  hope 
they  are,  and  what  perdition  they  procure."  ^     Surely, 
in  the  exercise  of  discipline,  a  distinction   is  to  be 
made  between  those  errors  which  strike  at  the  founda- 
tions of  faith,  and  those  which  do  not  oppose  truths  of 
essential  importance. 

There  lay  in  all  this  a  sad  forgetfulness  of  the  wise 
lesson  inculcated  by  St.  Paul,  in  the  fourteenth  chapter 
of  his  Epistle  to  the  Romans.     It  seems   in  early 

^  EpistolcB,  Iv.,  Ixix. 


48     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 


as  in  later  ages,  that  no  adequate  recognition  of 
the  line  was  drawn  between  what  is  essential  and 
what  is  non-essential  to  Christian  character.  How 
much  injustice,  exclusion,  and  persecution  might 
have  been  saved  by  a  due  regard  to  apostolic 
teaching ! 


CHAPTER  IV 
LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  THOUGHT 

CHARACTERISTICS  of  prominent  men  are 
discoverable  under  the  surface  of  treatises 
and  letters,  indicating  what  they  were  and  what 
they  accomplished.  The  early  diffusion  of  Christian- 
ity did  not  proceed  from  a  spirit  in  the  air,  it  did  not 
float  on  the  breeze  of  public  opinion,  but  depended 
upon  such  as  were  prominent  in  Church  history. 
Under  God  these  men  were  the  makers  of  Christen- 
dom. Some  familiar  names  occur  in  early  history, 
pale  and  shadowless,  as  ghosts  in  Dante's  visions,  but 
those  we  now  refer  to  can  be  placed  pretty  distinctly 
before  our  imagination. 

These  leaders  and  their  schools  are  of  two  classes 
— Greeks  and  Latins. 

I.  Greeks. — Justin  Martyr  (about  A.D.  103—166) 
calls  himself  a  Samaritan,  meaning,  probably,  that 
he  was  born  in  Samaria,  not  that  he  was  a  Samaritan 

49  4 


50     LIGHTS  AND   SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  1 

in  race  or  religion.  Nobody  can  read  what  he  has 
written  without  seeing  that  he  was  an  intelHgent 
though  not  exactly  an  intellectual  person — ready  to 
talk  with  those  he  met,  showing  what  was  upper- 
most in  his  mind— and  in  the  habit  of  travelling 
with  his  eyes  and  ears  open.  We  find  him  pacing 
the  colonnades  of  Ephesus,  and  walking  on  the 
seashore,  where  he  attracted  the  attention  of  Trypho 
the  Jew,  and  held  conversation  with  him.  He 
became  converted — an  important  fact,  showing  that 
he  was  a  Christian,  not  by  descent,  but  by  conviction. 
There  is  no  notice  of  his  holding  office  in  any  Church. 
He  continued  to  wear  a  philosopher's  cloak,  and 
invited  friends  to  accompany  him  to  a  philosophical 
school,  after  the  Gospel  had  gained  his  heart,  and  he 
was  seized  with  a  conviction  that  he  had  a  call  to 
seek  the  salvation  of  others.  Hence  he  wrote  his 
famous  Apology  and  his  Dialogue  with  Trypho.  He 
entered  into  full  communion,  was  baptised,  and 
appears  to  have  spent  his  time  as  a  kind  of  lay 
missionary,  privately  talking,  wherever  he  went,  about 
his  Divine  Saviour. 

Justin  Martyr  in  his  writings  dwells  upon  the 
incarnation  and  Divine  nature  of  our  blessed  Lord — 
"  the  first-begotten  of  the  Father,  sitting  above  the 
cherubim,  the  King  of  glory,  the  Lord  of  hosts,  whom 


Ch.  IV]         LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT        5 1 

Christians  worship,  and  not  without  reason."  He  also 
speaks  of  remission  of  sins,  by  the  death  of  Christ, 
according  to  the  teaching  of  Isaiah,  and  repeats  the 
following  truths.  Christ  suffered,  that  by  dying  and 
rising  again  He  might  overcome  death.  Through 
the  crucified  One,  God  saves  those  who  had  done 
what  brought  them  into  condemnation,  and  left  them 
under  the  curse  of  the  law.  Christ  took  this  upon 
Himself  for  the  whole  human  race.  Salvation  was 
brought  within  reach  of  all,  through  His  blood.  He 
will  come  again  ;  for  there  are  two  advents,  the  first 
without  comeliness  and  honour,  the  second  in  beauty 
and  glory,  upon  the  clouds,  and  the  angels  with  Him. 
If  so  great  was  the  power  of  His  passion,  what  must 
be  His  final  coming !  Grace  is  recognised  in  the 
work  of  salvation  from  first  to  last.  It  is  a  fountain 
of  living  water,  and  produces  a  new  and  regenerated 
race.^ 

Justin  Martyr  was  not  the  founder  of  a  distinct 
school ;  but  two  celebrities  of  that  order  may  be  found 
in  Alexandrian  history  at  the  period  before  us.  The 
Macedonian  Library  in  that  city  eclipsed  others  in 
the  ancient  world.  Aristotle's  idea  was  there  carried 
out  "  with  a  magnificence  of  execution  which  kings 

'  These  passages  are  gathered  from  his  writings. 


52     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

alone  could  project,  and  a  succession  of  ages  secure." 
As  the  second  century  closed,  and  afterwards, 
Christians  resided  there  who  had  their  characteristic 
way  of  looking  at  the  Gospel.  Within  the  city  were 
divers  sects — Greek,  Indian,  Jewish — who  had  an 
eager  desire  to  seek  and  intermeddle  with  all  wisdom, 
after  fashions  of  their  own.  They  were  not  so  much 
original  thinkers,  as  inquisitive  hearers  and  indomit- 
able talkers.  They  made  up  a  Neoplatonic  class, 
employed  in  moulding  what  they  acquired,  into 
fashions  of  their  own. 

The  Alexandrian  school,  as  already  suggested,  had 
in  it  little  of  original  speculation.  It  manifested  more 
the  product  of  memory  than  of  creative  thought.  It 
was  decidedly  eclectic,  searching  into  speculations 
of  earlier  days  rather  than  discovering  previously 
unknown  veins  of  metaphysical  wealth.  Ancient 
schools  had  declined  ;  modern  sects  could  only  fall 
back  upon  remains  of  early  days.  Heathen  and 
Jewish  speculators  were  hard  at  work,  breaking  in 
pieces  anciently  excavated  ore  and  stamping  upon 
it  some  impress  of  their  own.  Jules  Simon,  in  his 
Histoire  de  VEcole  d Alexandrie,  has  set  forth 
specimens  of  old  diggings,  with  indications  of  the 
shape  into  which  critics  were  reducing  them. 
Plotinus  and  others  had  left  much  which  was  laid 


Ch.IV]         LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT        S3 

under  contribution  for  new  purposes.  Christian 
workers,  as  Origen  said  in  writing  to  Gregory 
Thaumaturgus,  were  like  the  Israeh'tes,  who,  when 
they  left  Egypt,  carried  out  of  it  jewels,  which  they 
employed  in  the  tabernacle,  though  some  of  the 
collected  treasure  was  turned  into  "a  golden  calf." 

Irenasus  appears  early  on  the  list  of  Greek  Fathers  ; 
and  though  his  great  work  is  known  by  us  chiefly 
from  a  Latin  translation,  it  appeared  originally  in 
his  native  tongue.  He  was  born  in  Smyrna,  amongst 
Greek-speaking  people,  between  A.D.  120  and  140. 
He  removed  to  Lyons,  in  Gaul,  and  there  devoted 
himself  to  Christian  work.  He  became  bishop  in 
the  city  of  his  adoption,  and  his  principal  production 
is  a  Treatise  on  Heresies.  To  this  chiefly  we  are 
indebted  for  what  we  know  of  errors  by  which  early 
Christian  Churches  were  bewildered.  Though  he 
writes  on  a  subject  pertaining  to  philosophies  of 
the  age,  his  volume  is  not  composed  after  a  philo- 
sophical method,  and  leaves  the  reader,  at  times, 
in  perplexity  as  to  the  nature  of  systems  he  under- 
takes to  criticise.  At  the  commencement  of  his 
treatise  he  employs  a  clever  illustration  by  noticing 
how  a  piece  of  glass  may  be  mistaken  for  a  jewel ; 

*  Adv.  Hcer.,  i.,  i. 


54     LIGHTS   AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Parti 

and  gives  that  as  an  illustration  of  pretentious 
appearances,  found,  on  a  comparison  of  them  with 
Christianity,  to  be  as  worthless  as  they  are  pre- 
tentious. His  descriptions  and  criticisms  bring  before 
us  a  motley  crowd  of  would-be  philosophers,  full  of 
fantastic  dreams,  who  attempted  theories  of  the 
universe,  derived  from  imaginary  beings  called  Eons 
— supposed  to  come  between  an  original  First  Cause 
and  the  existing  constitution  of  the  universe.  These 
philosophers  had  a  great  deal  to  say  about  spirit 
and  matter,  and  the  distinction  between  an  original 
power  and  the  maker  or  fashioner  of  our  visible 
world.  The  existence  of  matter  is  their  great  puzzle, 
and  the  result  of  their  speculations  is  a  theory  very 
different  indeed  from  the  facts  we  find  in  Holy  Writ. 
God  the  Creator,  Jesus  Christ  the  Saviour,  and  the 
Holy  Ghost  the  Comforter,  have  no  place  in  such 
dreams  ;  and  the  upshot  of  reading  this  book  by 
Irenaeus  is  a  conviction  that  Gnostic  philosophy  is 
a  sham,  and  darkens  counsel  by  words  without 
wisdom.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  great  subjects 
involved  in  Divine  revelation — the  fall  of  man,  the 
moral  condition  of  the  world,  the  work  of  the  Re- 
deemer, the  regeneration  of  souls,  and  the  revelation 
of  eternal  life — never  touched  the  minds  and  hearts 
of  these  shallow  inquirers  ;  and  it  would  seem  as  if 


Ch.  IV]         LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  THOUGHT        55 

they  never  looked  into  writings  by  prophets  and  by 
authors  of  the  New  Testament.  They  lived  in 
a  fictitious  realm,  and  lost  themselves  in  wild 
wanderings. 

Irenseus  appeals  to  the  Word  of  God,  and  shows 
how  earthly  things  are  types  of  the  heavenly  ;  that 
Abraham's  faith  and  that  of  Christians  are  of  the 
same  nature  ;  that  patriarchs  and  prophets  pointed 
to  Christ ;  that  He  is  the  treasure  hid  in  Scrip- 
ture, brought  to  light  by  the  Cross  ;  and  that 
they  who  study,  understand,  and  believe  what  is 
written  about  Him,  shall  shine  as  the  firmament  and 
the  stars  for  ever  and  ever.^  Irenaeus  is  exceedingly 
valuable  as  a  witness  to  the  genuineness  of  the 
New  Testament,  from  which  he  so  largely  quotes  ; 
the  number  of  passages  cited  being  reckoned  as  about 
four  hundred  ;  and  direct  quotations  from  St.  John 
alone  exceed  eighty. 

I  may  remark,  in  passing,  that  Irenaeus  touches 
upon  one  of  the  questions  in  modern  theology. 
We  find  views  on  the  subject  of  Freewill  and 
Predestination,  stated  by  this  Father,  at  a  period 
before  controversies  on  the  question  had  been  evoked. 
He   tells   us,   on   the    one   hand,   that   men    have   a 

'  Adv.  Hcer.,  iv.,  i. 


56     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

power  of  choice  and  accordant  action  ;  that  the 
Almighty  has  always  treated  them  as  responsible, 
praising  and  blaming  them  according  to  their 
conduct  ;  that  they  are  saved,  not  by  compulsion, 
but  by  persuasion.  Yet,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
believed  in  a  Divine  predestination  unto  eternal  life 
of  a  number  to  be  completed  at  the  end  of  time. 
Modern  disputants  on  the  mystery  will  not,  on  either 
side,  find  in  the  writings  of  Trenseus  developed  views 
such  as  have  been  maintained  by  divines  in  the  middle 
ages,  and  since  the  Reformation  ;  but  they  must 
admit  that  he  certainly  saw  there  were  two  sides 
to  the  momentous  question,  and  without  penetrating 
further  than  what  appeared  to  be  the  leaning  of 
Scripture,  he  felt  sure  the  two  were  reconcilable.^ 
Irenasus  not  only  asserts  great  Gospel  truths,  such 
as  that  Christ  was  very  God  and  very  man,  that 
He  gave  His  soul  for  our  souls  and  His  flesh  for 
our  flesh,  pouring  His  Spirit  into  our  nature  ;  but 
this  Christian  author  also  abounds  in  what  we  call 
good  common  sense.  With  this  fact  I  have  just  been 
struck,  in  reading  the  twenty-eighth  chapter  of  his 
second  book  aeainst  heretics.      His  remarks  on  the 


'  Co?7f.Ha7'.,\y.fyjetscq.    Sgg  A  ccoimt  of  Life  and  Writings 
of  IrencBus,  by  Beaven,  Oxford. 


Ch.IV]         LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  THOUGHT        57 


limitation  of  human  knowledge,  and  the  necessity 
of  leaving  mysteries  in  the  hands  of  God,  are 
admirable. 

Further,  I  may  remark  respecting  Irenseus,  that 
theories  have  been  broached  to  the  effect  that  the 
Pauline  view  of  Christian  doctrine  was  repudiated 
before  the  end  of  the  first  century,  and  that  a 
Judaistic  view  then  prevailed.  But  Dr.  Lightfoot 
remarks  :  "  Irenseus  knows  nothing  of  the  religious 
convulsions  which  must  have  shaken  its  foundations, 
but  represents  the  tradition  as  one  continuous,  un- 
broken, reaching  back  through  the  elders  of  the 
Asiatic  Churches,  through  Papias  and  Polycarp,  to 
St.  John  himself."  Irenasus,  who  received  his  Christian 
education  in  Asia  Minor,  and  was  throughout  life 
in  communication  with  the  Churches  there,  had 
already  reached  middle  age  when  this  second  revo- 
lution is  supposed  to  have  occurred.  "  The  demands 
on  our  credulity  which  this  theory  makes  are 
enormous.  And  its  improbability  becomes  only 
more  glaring  as  we  extend  our  view.  For  the 
solidarity  of  the  Church  is  the  one  striking  fact 
unmistakably  revealed  to  us,  as  here  and  there  the 
veil  which  shrouds  the  history  of  the  second  century 
is  lifted.  Anicetus,  and  Sotcr,  and  Eleuthcrus,  and 
Victor  at  Rome,  Pantaenus  and  Clement  at  Alexandria, 


58     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 


Polycrates  at  Ephesus,  Papias  and  Apollinaris  at 
Hierapolis,  Polycarp  at  Smyrna,  Melito  at  Sardis, 
Ignatius  and  Serapion  at  Antioch,  Primus  and 
Dionysius  at  Corinth,  Pothinus  and  Irenaeus  in  Gaul, 
Philippus  and  Pinytus  in  Crete,  Hegesippus  and 
Narcissus  in  Palestine, — all  are  bound  together  by 
the  ties  of  a  common  organisation,  and  the  sympathy 
of  a  common  creed."  ^ 

Clement  of  Alexandria  (who  died  about  A.D.  213) 
had  for  a  while  sympathies  with  heathenism  ;  but, 
like  Justin,  he  was  converted  to  Christianity,  I 
always  think  of  him  as  a  polished  courtier,  dignified 
in  manners,  who  sought  to  melt  down  prejudices 
against  Christianity,  and  met  inquirers,  akin  in  some 
respects  to  those  common  in  our  own  day,  so  as 
to  conciliate  their  minds  and  win  them  to  the  faith. 
His  great  mistake  was  to  misplace  knowledge  in 
relation  to  religion.  He  divided  Christians  into  two 
classes,  simple  believers  and  intellectual  inquirers — 
Gnostics^  as  he  called  them  (not,  of  course,  in  the 
heretical  sense) — and  to  these  he  gave  the  highest 
place ;  thus  cherishing  a  sort  of  philosophical  am- 
bition, at  the  expense,  in  a  measure,  of  submission 
to  evangelical  authority.      This    was    a   leading  ele- 

'  Lightfoot,  Epistles  to  Colossians  and  Philemoti,  pp.  59,  60. 


Ch.  IV]         LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  THOUGHT        59 


ment  of  error  in  his  teaching.  He  flattered  the 
intellect  at  the  expense  of  a  submission  to  that 
Divine  teaching  which  is  the  basis  of  true  piety. 
He  also  encouraged  an  ambition  to  seek  after  what 
is  beyond  human  reach.  And  it  is  evident  that  he 
leaned  to  that  side  of  theology  which  afterwards  led 
to  Pelagian  errors.  It  is  a  relief,  after  toiling  through 
the  first  book  of  Clement's  Pedagogue,  to  take  up 
a  digest  of  it  clearly  expressed  in  Kaye's  Account 
of  Cleinenfs  Writings  and  Opinions. 

Clement  became  a  presbyter  in  the  Alexandrian 
Church  and  a  teacher  in  its  catechetical  school, 
which  was  an  institute,  not  only  for  instructing  young 
Christians,  but  for  preparing  agents  to  undertake 
missionary  work.  He  was  driven  from  Alexandria 
by  persecution,  and  we  can  follow  him  afterwards 
to  Aiitioch  and  Jerusalem. 

In  a  book  entitled  Pccdagogiis  (the  Instructor),  and 
another  called  Stroinata,  in  which  he  describes 
dress,  utensils,  baths,  spectacles,  and  ordinary  life 
(he  was  fond  of  minute  details),  we  find  him  giving 
advice  to  Christians,  respecting  conduct  at  home 
and  intercourse  abroad.  From  what  I  have  said 
of  Clement's  calling  his  philosophical  student  of 
Christianity  "  a  Gnostic,"  it  must  not  be  inferred  that 
he   sympathised    with  those  who,  in  the  history  of 


6o    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

ancient  opinions,  are  known  by  that  name  ;  such,  as 
we  have  seen,  were,  properly  speaking,  heretics  or 
infidels  altogether  outside  Christianity,  having  no 
sympathy  with  what  is  distinctive  of  it.  A  more 
serious  charge  against  him  is  that  he  advocates  a 
theory  of  accommodation,  which  resembles  the  adage 
of  being  all  things  to  all  men.^  He  seems  to  say  a 
Christian,  like  a  physician  for  the  good  of  his  patient, 
may  utter  what  is  apparently  false,  and  refers  to 
the  case  of  Paul  and  Timotheus  (Acts  xvi.  i).  Paul, 
however,  only  did  what  seemed  inconsistent,  but  was 
not  really  so.  This  accommodation  theory  was 
perilous  ground  to  tread.  Much  of  the  Pcsdagogus 
is  trivial  and  amusing ;  but  it  serves  to  give  a  vivid 
idea  of  Alexandrian  life  in  the  second  century. 

With  regard  to  Clement,  let  me  add  that  in  his 
writings  sparks  of  imagination  appear  worth  notice. 
For  instance,  he  says :  "  God  in  His  great  love 
comes  to  man's  help,  as  the  mother  bird  flies  after 
her  young  ones  when  they  have  fallen  from  their 
nest."  Again,  he  says  :  "  Who  would  prefer  bond- 
age to  sonship  ?  to  sink  into  darkness  when  he 
might  become  a  citizen  of  glory,  and  cultivate  fields 
in  paradise,  and  cleave  the  sky  on  a  luminous  cloud, 

1  Strom.,  lib.  vii.,  c.  9,  §  53. 


Ch.  IV]         LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  THOUGHT        6i 

like  Elijah  ?  "  "  God  invites  us  to  salvation,  saying, 
The  land  I  give  thee,  and  the  sea,  my  child,  and 
heaven  too."  ^ 

Origen  (about  A.D.  i86 — 254)  is  known  all  the  world 
over  for  genius,  learning,  and  industry ;  but  it  is 
sometimes  forgotten  that  his  life-story  teems  with 
adventure.  We  might  suppose,  if  we  only  thought 
of  him  as  a  student  writing  books — "  more,"  says 
Jerome,  "  than  anybody  can  read  " — that  he  spent 
all  his  days  in  quietude  ;  whereas  he  passes  before 
us  amidst  incessant  change,  and  his  life  is  romantic 
in  circumstances  from  first  to  last.  His  childhood 
is  rich  in  touching  beautifulness.  We  read  of  his 
father  "  bending  over  his  little  bed,  uncovering  his 
breast  as  a  shrine  consecrated  by  the  Holy  Ghost, 
and  then  reverently  kissing  him."  His  mother  taught 
him  Hebrew  hymns  (was  she  a  Jewess  ?).  Together 
they  sung  praise  to  God,  and  so  inspired  was  the 
boy  with  a  martyr  spirit  that  he  "  advanced  close 
to  danger,  and  eagerly  leaped  towards  the  conflict." 
It  is  touching  to  be  told  that  he  visited  confessors 
in  prison,  and  walked  with  martyrs  to  the  place  of 
execution,  and  there  gave  them  a  last  kiss.  When 
only  eighteen  years  of  age,  he  became  virtually  head 

*  Exhortation  to  the  Heathen,  x. 


62     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

of  a  school  in  Alexandria.  Having  devoted  himself 
to  the  office  of  a  tutor,  he  sold  his  classical  library 
that  he  might  devote  his  time  to  Christian  studies. 
But  he  long  continued  a  layman,  being  absorbed 
in  educational  work.  Origen  was  a  great  traveller 
for  the  age  in  which  he  lived.  We  meet  with  him 
at  Rome,  where  he  was  not  pleased  with  what  he 
saw  ;  we  find  him  in  Arabia,  Palestine,  and  Greece. 
Then  he  returns  to  Alexandria  to  work  in  a  large 
library,  employing  copyists  and  shorthand  writers. 
He  denied  himself  sufficient  clothing,  would  not  have 
more  than  one  coat,  and  walked  the  streets  without 
shoes.  His  self-denial  presents  a  contrast  to  the 
social  habits  of  Clement ;  and  his  self-inflicted  torture 
is  universally  known. 

In  Palestine  he  entered  holy  orders,  being  there 
ordained  presbyter — a  circumstance  which  brought 
him  into  trouble  with  Demetrius  of  Alexandria,^  an 
early  friend  ;  but  they  afterwards  renewed  former 
relations.     Under   the   Emperor    Philip,    Origen   en- 

'  I  light  upon  the  following  passage  in  the  Life  of  my  old 
friend  Dr.  Hook :  "  It  is  strictly  according  to  the  courtesy  of 
the  Catholics  (true  Catholics,  I  mean)  not  to  ordain  ministers 
of  another  Church  without  permission  from  the  bishop  at  the 
head  of  it ;  as  Demetrius,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  was  justly 
offended  when  the  bishops  of  Palestine  ordained  the  celebrated 
Origen." 


Ch.  IV]         LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT        63 


joyed  Court  favour.  After  all  this  he  saw  dark 
days,  being  tortured,  condemned  as  a  heretic,  and 
only  saved  from  martyrdom  to  die  in  prison,  "  having 
completed  seventy  years  save  one." 

Origen  was  a  man  of  higher  mark  than  Clement. 
No  one  can  question  his  extraordinary  genius,  but 
his  writings,  in  many  instances,  lack  distinctness  of 
thought — at  any  rate,  clearness  of  expression  ;  so  that 
a  century  or  two  after  his  death  Christendom  was 
agitated  by  strife  as  to  the  scope  of  his  teaching. 
There  can  be  little  doubt  he  believed  in  the  pre- 
existence  of  souls.^  That  opinion  he  coupled  with 
a  belief  in  the  final  restoration  of  sinful  beings  to 
holiness  and  felicity. 

Origen  said,  in  the  words  of  Scripture,  "  the  letter 
killeth,  but  the  spirit  giveth  life,"  by  which  he  meant 
that  Scripture  loses  power  when  not  mystically 
apprehended.  In  short,  he  taught  there  is  a  three- 
fold meaning  in  Holy  Writ — the  literal,  the  allegorical, 
and  the  mystical.  What  we  find  in  his  comments 
on  early  parts  of  Genesis  does  not  bring  out  what 
is  commonly  regarded  as  matter  of  fact.  He  says 
he  will  not  sacrifice  letter  to  spirit,  "except  after 
most   careful   examination."      But   as    Neander   and 

'  De  Principits,  iii.,  c.  5,  §  4. 

*  Ibid.,  i.,  c.  6.    The  expression  here  is  somewhat  qualified. 


64    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

others  have  remarked,  What  Hmits  can  be  fixed  in 
such  a  case  ?  What  becomes  of  creation,  the  fall, 
and  the  flood  if  this  loose  practice  be  followed  ? 

Undoubtedly  the  ablest,  indeed  the  only  complete, 
defence  of  Christianity  by  an  ante-Nicene  writer  is 
supplied  by  Origen  in  his  Contra  Celsuin.  He 
goes  exhaustively  over  the  whole  ground  occupied 
by  antagonists.  He  examines  every  hole  and  corner 
of  the  enemy's  fortifications,  and  leaves  nothing 
standing.  He  is  more  patient  in  his  inquiries,  more 
explicit  in  his  replies,  than  any  other  early  defender 
of  the  faith.  He  goes  on  through  chapters  xlvi.  to 
Ixii.,  Ixv.  to  Ixxi.,  cxxix.  to  cxxxii.,  and  in  every 
instance  silences  his  opponents.  We  find  it  weari- 
some to  read  his  arguments  all  through.  What  must 
have  been  his  patience  to  write  them  !  He  declares 
that  early  believers  understood  Christian  doctrines 
in  different  ways,  and  refers  to  views  of  the  resurrec- 
tion, and  to  discussions  touching  ceremonial  obser- 
vances.^ 

Within  extensive  limits,  Origen  allowed  scope  for 
free  thought.  There  is  remarkable  haziness  in  some 
of  his  writings  upon  points  of  importance.  St.  Paul's 
doctrine  of  justification  by  faith,  regeneration  through 

'  See  De  PrmciJ)ns,  iv.,  i ;  Ibid.,  iii.,  i ;  iv.,  44 ;  Contra 
Celswn,  iii.,  11. 


Ch.IV]      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT  65 

the  work  of  the  Holy  Spirit,  and  other  vital  truths, 
do  not  appear,  I  think,  to  have  fixed  his  attention. 
Yet  he  speaks  of  Christ's  death  as  "a  ransom  to 
redeem  sinners  from  Satan,  to  whom  they  had  sold 
themselves  "  ;  also  he  refers  to  the  Divine  Saviour 
as  a  "  propitiation  for  sin."  ^  Some  heretical  opinions 
he  treated  leniently. 

Origen  was  philosophical  in  his  habits,  after  a 
fashion  of  his  own,  and  it  is  interesting  to  notice 
what  he  says  of  Greek  sages.  He  speaks  of  Socrates 
as  eulogised  by  Euripides  and  Sophocles,  and  then 
adds  :  "  It  is  poor  praise  to  be  extolled  on  the  stage, 
and  to  be  called  the  wisest  of  men,  on  account  of  the 
victims  he  offered  to  demons." '  "  Plato,"  he  remarks, 
"  puts  in  Socrates'  mouth  words  more  appropriate 
than  are  recorded  of  him  by  others."  Aristotle  he 
curtly  notices  as  fleeing  from  Athens,  afraid  of  per- 
secution." Origen  applies  to  heathen  philosophers 
the  language  of  Paul  to  the  Romans,  as  "  vain  in 
their  imaginations,"  and  carried  away  ;  their  "  foolish 
hearts  "  being  "  darkened."  * 

The  debt  we  owe  to  his  memory  as  a  Biblicist  is 
immense.  We  find  it  equalled  when  we  turn  to  his 
apologetic  treatise  in  reply  to  Celsus.     Celsus  attacked 

'  Com.  Rom.  ii.  13.  ^  Id/d.,  l,  65. 

-  Contra  Ccis.,  vii.,  G.  '  Ibid.,  vii.,  47. 


66      LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  i 

the  credibility  of  the  Gospels,  and  Origen  met  him 
on  historical  grounds  in  a  manner  and  to  an  extent 
never  attempted  before.  It  is  often  forgotten  that 
the  same  man,  who  imperilled  the  historical  integrity 
of  Holy  Writ  by  his  method  of  interpretation,  did 
more  than  any  one  else  to  establish  the  credit  and 
authority  of  the  four  Evangelists.  In  this  line  he 
was  in  advance  of  Justin  and  Tertullian.  With  a 
force  of  reasoning  superior  to  theirs,  he,  with  a 
minuteness  of  detail  and  a  patience  wearisome  to 
modern  readers,  tracks  Celsus  through  all  the  wind- 
ings of  his  sophistical  objections.  Nor  should  it  be 
forgotten  that  the  Christian  school  of  Alexandria  was 
a  catechetical  institute,  preparing  the  young  for 
discipleship  and  communion  ;  and  also  a  missionary 
society  for  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel.  Origen 
was  an  eloquent  advocate  for  proclaiming  to  the 
heathen  the  unsearchable  riches  of  Christ. 

Justice,  commonly,  has  not  been  done  to  Origen. 
His  allegorising  habit  offends  some  who  give  common 
sense  a  proper  place  in  Biblical  study  ;  but  obligations 
to  him,  under  which  competent  students  of  Scripture 
are  laid,  surely  ought  not  to  be  forgotten.  In  con- 
nection with  his  name,  we  should  recall  especially 
the  memorable  passage  which  occurs  in  his  writings 
and  which  is  the  germ  of  Butler's   Analogy  :    "  He 


Ch.  IV]      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  THOUGHT  67 

who  believes  the  Scriptures  to  have  proceeded  from 
Him  who  is  the  author  of  nature,  may  well  expect 
to  find  the  same  sort  of  difficulties  in  it  as  are  found 
in  the  constitution  of  nature."^  This  is  the  inscrip- 
tion on  the  monument  of  Butler  in  Bristol  Cathedral. 
The  inscription  was  written  by  Dr.  Southey. 

To  the  intellectual  and  moral  character  of  Origen 
must  be  assigned  a  chief  place  amongst  celebrities 
in  the  early  Church.  Milner  ^  betrays  a  prejudice 
against  him  in  a  comparison  he  draws  between 
Origen  and  Cyprian.  They  were  by  natural  en- 
dowment, educational  training,  and  lifelong  circum- 
stances, striking  contrasts.  Their  temptations  and 
failings  were  not  of  the  same  kind.  If  philosophy 
was  a  drawback  in  the  character  of  the  Alexandrian 
teacher,  priestly  assumption,  on  the  part  of  the 
Carthaginian  bishop,  may  also  be  deemed  a  draw- 
back, only  of  another  kind.  Origen  remained  a 
simple  presbyter  to  the  day  of  his  death,  never 
aspiring,  it  would  appear,  to  any  higher  office  ;  and 
of  his  eminence  in  this  respect  we  have  a  monument 
in  his  Homilies  taken  down  from  his  lips  when 
employed  as  lecturer  in  his  catechetical  school.  He 
maintained,  it  appears,  that  to  the  consecration   of 

^  Fhilocal,  28.  ^  Chttrch  Hist.,  Vol.  I.,  chap.  xv. 


68     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

bishops,  the  presence  and  consent  of  the  people  were 
essential,  and  that  bishops  were  called,  not  to  com- 
mand, but  to  serve  the  Church,  and  that  they  ought 
to  discharge  their  duties  with  modesty  and  humility/ 

Neale,  in  his  Holy  Eastern  ChurcJi — "  Alexandria," 
gives  a  comprehensive  digest  of  Origen's  opinions, 
and  though  evidently  no  admirer  of  the  philosophical 
Alexandrian,  yet  acquits  him  of  the  charge  of  heresy, 
as  to  the  doctrine  of  a  Trinity,  Father,  Son,  and 
Holy  Ghost,  and  of  the  Incarnation.  Neale  re- 
gards Origcn  as  having  been  a  mystic  rather  than 
a  heretic. 

I  have  made  free  remarks  on  the  Alexandrian 
school  in  general,  and  on  Clement  and  Origen  in 
particular  ;  it  is  but  just  to  insist  on  the  bright  side 
— sometimes  very  bright — afforded  by  an  impartial 
study  of  the  entire  character  of  their  instructions. 
Much  of  what  these  Fathers  say  indicative  of  a 
Divine  element  in  ancient  philosophy,  is  but  an 
amplification  of  what  Scripture  means  by  "  the 
spirit  of  man  being  a  candle  of  the  Lord."  We  must 
admit  that  whatever  thoughts,  true  and  good,  are 
found  in  works  by  illustrious  Greeks,  were  lighted 
up   by    Him    who    made   man    in    His   own    image, 

'  Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.,  by  Herbert,  i.,  359.     He  refers  to  In 
Jud.,  Horn.  4. 


Ch.  IVJ      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT  69 


however  fallen  and  dark  afterward  mankind  might 
be.  The  Alexandrian  recognised,  that  wisdom  of 
old— outside  and  far  short  of  Jewish  inspiration — 
came  as  precursor  of  instructions  conveyed  in  the 
New  Testament.  Paul  did  not  scruple,  when  preach- 
ing at  Athens,  to  quote  from  one  of  the  poets  of 
the  people,  "  For  we  are  also  His  offspring.  .  .  .  And 
certain  men  clave  to  Paul,  and  believed  :  among 
whom  also  was  Dionysius  the  Areopagitc,  and  a 
woman  named  Damaris,  and  others  with  them."^ 

There  is  another  notability  connected  with  Alex- 
andria, who  claims  more  attention  than  he  generally 
receives.  He  comes  soon  after  Clement  and  Origen. 
I  allude  to  Dionysius,  the  Great,  as  he  is  some- 
times called,  who  held  the  commanding  Egyptian 
patriarchate  for  some  years.  He  had  not,  I  appre- 
hend, the  social  qualities  which  marked  Clement 
of  Alexandria,  and  made  him  such  a  favourite  with 
his  fellow-citizens  as  he  seems  to  have  been  ;  nor 
had  Dionysius  the  varied  brilliant  erudition  of 
Origen  ;  but  the  natural  gifts  and  the  acquired  en- 
dowments of  this  Patriarch  of  Alexandria  place  him 
amongst  the  first  Churchmen  of  his  age.  No  one 
of  that  period  occupies  such  a  leading  place  in  the 

'  Acts  xvii.  28. 


70     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  1 

History  by  Eusebius,  and  appears  there  under  so 
many  aspects,  as  Dionysius.  His  life  was  full  of 
incident,  and  his  ecclesiastical  ability  and  influence 
surpassed  that  of  most  contemporaries.  His  epistles 
were  very  numerous,  and  they  seem  to  have  fallen 
into  the  hands  of  Eusebius.  They  are  autobio- 
graphical, and  the  copious  extracts  given  by  the 
historian  are,  some  of  them,  very  entertaining.  He 
relates  much  respecting  himself,  and  many  of  his 
adventures  were  of  an  interesting  order.  We 
learn  how  he  was  going  to  a  festival,  and  was  seized 
by  soldiers,  who  stripped  him  of  all  but  a  linen 
garment,  and  carried  him  away  upon  an  unsaddled 
ass.  He  said  it  was  a  duty  to  suffer  anything  rather 
than  to  afflict  the  Church  of  God,  and  that  it  was 
better  to  suffer  martyrdom  than  to  offer  sacrifice  in 
honour  of  idols.  Page  after  page  in  the  History  by 
Eusebius  is  filled  with  letters  written  by  Dionysius, 
and  we  learn  more  respecting  him  than  we  do  of  any 
other  individual.  The  story  which  interests  mc 
more  than  any  other  is  one  relating  to  Nepos  and 
his  schism.  The  schism  sprang  from  certain  millen- 
arian  views  which  agitated  the  Church  at  that 
day.  "  When  I  was  at  Arsinuc,"  Dionysius  says, 
"  this  doctrine  was  afloat,  so  that  apostacies  and 
schisms    followed.       I    called     the     presbyters    and 


Ch.  IV]      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT  71 

brethren    together,   and    exhorted    them  carefully  to 
state  the  views  they  had  adopted.     They  produced 
a  book,  which  they  regarded  as   a  kind  of  armour, 
and  an  impregnable  fortress  ;   and   I   sat  with  them 
for  three  days  from  morning  to  night  endeavouring 
to  refute  the  opinions  it  contained.     I  was  pleased 
with  the  sincerity  and   intelligence  of  the  brethren. 
Moderately  and  methodically  we  proposed  questions, 
expressed  doubts,  and  made   concessions  ;    carefully 
avoiding  all  that  was  offensive.     We  did   not  evade 
objections  ;  and,  as  far  as  possible,  we  kept  to  the 
subject    before   us,  not   ashamed  where  reason  pre- 
vailed,  to   change   opinion   and    acknowledge   truth. 
We  received,  with  single  hearts   before  God,  what- 
ever was   established    by  the    Holy   Scriptures.     At 
length    the    founder    and     leader    of    the    doctrine 
under   consideration,  in  the   hearing  of  all    present, 
avowed    that    he   would    no    longer    adhere    to    the 
opinions    he    had    adopted,    being    fully    convinced 
by  opposite  arguments.      The   brethren   present  re- 
joiced    at    the    result    of    the    conference,    and    at 
the  conciliatory  spirit   manifested  by  all  who  were 
present." 

If  this    account   be   trustworthy,   as   I  hope  it  is, 

1  Eusebius,]^£'f£'/.  Hist,,  vii.,  c.  24. 


72     LIGHTS  AND   SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

such  a  model  discussion  is  worthy  of  praise  and 
imitation.  The  principal  opponent  was  convinced, 
"  through  the  opening  made  into  his   heart." 

This  good  Bishop  Dionysius  has  been  accused  of 
inconsistency  and  a  want  of  independence — common 
charges  against  amiable  people  and  successful 
peacemakers — and  he  is  chiefly  complimented  for 
courtly  concessions  and  churchly  tact.  But,  as  far 
as  I  can  see,  after  much  reading  on  the  subject, 
there  is  no  ground  whatever  for  regarding  Dionysius 
as  a  time-server. 

II.  Latin  Fathers. — Clement,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
wrote  to  the  Church  there  in  Greek,  but  he  belongs 
to  the  Western  section  of  Christendom.  It  is  in- 
teresting to  compare  his  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians 
wnih.  that  of  St.  Paul  to  the  Romans.  Both  letters 
contain  quotations  from  the  Septuagint.  The  schis- 
matical  character  of  the  people  addressed  shows  that 
they  were  the  same  at  the  end  of  the  century  as 
in  the  middle.  And  one  cannot  but  notice  the 
harmony  of  Paul's  doctrine  of  justification  with 
Clement's  rebuke  of  its  antinomian  perversion.  The 
latter  is  eminently  devout  in  spirit.  "  Open  our  eyes, 
O  Lord,  that  we  may  know  Thee,  and  feel  Thy 
presence."  "  Help  those  who  need  help."  "  Lord 
and    Creator,  pity  and    forgive."      "  Through    Christ 


Ch.  IV]      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF   THOUGHT  73 


we  pour  out  our  hearts  to  Thee."  There  is  no 
strictly  dogmatic  teaching  in  the  letter. 

On  the  list  of  Latin  Fathers  comes  Tertullian  (about 
160 — 240),  an  African,  born  in  Carthage.  The 
dates  of  his  birth  and  his  death  are  uncertain,  but 
we  gather  that  his  parents  were  heathen,  and  that 
Christianity  was  the  choice  of  his  riper  years.  He 
studied  Greek,  and  was  acquainted  with  Homer. 
He  preferred  history  and  poetry  to  philosophical 
studies  :  for  the  latter  he  had  no  taste ;  and,  judging 
from  what  we  know  of  him,  no  aptitude.  Gospel 
facts,  however,  laid  hold  on  his  understanding  and 
touched  his  heart.  From  facts  he  passed  to  doctrines. 
Thus  he  gained  foothold  on  what  he  made  his  own  for 
life  and  death.  He  studied  Roman  law,  and  legal  habits 
appear  in  his  works.  Often,  in  reading  him,  we  detect 
the  special  pleader,  intent,  after  a  one-sided  fashion, 
upon  m.aking  out  a  case  ;  but  without  any  conscious- 
ness  of  unworthy  motives,  for  they  never  swayed 
him. 

Tertullian  was  not  a  philosopher,  in  the  common 
acceptation  of  the  term,  though  he  had  a  way  of 
his  own  in  that  direction  ;  and,  in  his  ecclesiastical 
views,  account  must  be  taken  of  influence  exerted 
over  him  by  Montanus.  Montanus  has  been  hardly 
dealt  with  ;  sometimes  he  is  represented  as  claiming 


74     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

to  be  an  incarnation  of  the  Paraclete — a  charge  never 
substantiated.^    .  There  might  be  attributed    to  him 
extraordinary  Divine  gifts  ;  perhaps  he  claimed  such 
himself,  in  an    age   when  supernatural    endowments 
were  not  supposed  to  have  been  wholly  withdrawn. 
What  is    probably  the  case,  as  he   professed    to  be 
a    Reformer,    he    was    excited     by    corruptions    he 
saw    increasing    at   the    time  ;    dwelt   extravagantly 
upon  the  necessity  of  some  spiritual  revival  to  check 
the  tide  ;   and  referred  to  the  Holy  Ghost  in  ways 
disapproved  by  sober-minded  Christians.     Those  who 
deplore  existing  evils,  and  look  on  an  age  in  which 
they  live  as   backsliding  from   God,  generally  take 
pessimist  views  of  all  around  ;  they  are  apt  to  seclude 
themselves  from  those  on  whom  they  might  exercise 
an  influence  by  intercourse,  and  to  say,  "  wStand  by, 
for  I   am  holier  than   thou."      Montanus,  no  doubt, 
was  an  unamiable  man,  likely  to   have  what   good 
was  in  him  evil  spoken  of     Such  people  may  draw 
towards  themselves  those  who  are  like-minded,  but 
they  are   sure   to    repel   non-sympathisers.     Charges 
of  immorality  were  brought  against  the  Montanists 
by  Cyril  of  Jerusalem  ;    but   Dr.  Newman  candidly 

1  Burton's  Eccl.  Hist.,  ii.,  158;  Mossman's  Hist.  0/ the  Catholic 
Church,  chaps,  xv.,  xvii.,  xviii. ;  Smith's  Diet,  of  Christian 
Biog.,  art.  "  Montanus." 


Ch.  IV]      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  THOUGHT  75 

remarks,  "  These  charges  arc  not  borne  out  by  other 
writers."  ' 

TertulHan  is  considered  by  Bishop  Kayc  to  have 
been  orthodox  on  the  whole,  and  might  have  passed 
muster  in  an  examination  upon  the  XXXIX.  Articles  ; 
but  certainly  he  diverged  from  Catholic  teaching 
in  his  view  of  the  soul,  to  which  he  attributed  a 
sort  of  corporeity,  citing,  in  support  of  his  notion, 
the  parable  of  Dives  and  Lazarus.  TertulHan  was 
out  of  sympathy  with  philosophers.  "  What,"  he 
asked,  "has  Athens  to  do  with  Jerusalem,  the  Academy 
with  the  Church  ?  Our  school  is  of  Solomon's  Porch. 
Away  with  those  who  have  brought  forward  a  stoic, 
and  a  platonic,  and  dialectic  Christianity !  To  us 
there  is  no  need  of  curious  questioning,  now  that  we 
have  Christ ;  nor  of  inquiry,  now  that  we  have  the 
Gospel.  In  that  we  believe,  we  desire  to  know  nothing 
besides." "  He  contended  for  an  unphilosophised 
Christianity  ;  but,  like  some  other  people,  he  had, 
after  all,  a  philosophy  of  his  own,  for  which,  with 
characteristic  spirit,  he  was  prepared  to  do  battle. 
He  blamed  Gnostic  allegories  ;  yet  he  allegorised 
in  his  own  way.  He  speaks  of  the  twelve  wells  of 
Elim  as  types  of  the  twelve  Apostles,  and  of  the  ark 

1  See  Oxford  translation  oi  St.  Cyril  of  Jentsaletn,  p.  206. 
»  De  Frees.  Hcer,,  7,  8. 


76      LIGHTS  AND   SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 


as  a  type  of  the  Church.  "  It  mattereth  not,"  he 
says,  "  whether,  according  to  that  figure,  the  raven, 
the  kite,  the  wolf,  the  dog,  and  the  serpent  shall  be 
in  the  Church  ;  the  idolater  is  assuredly  not  contained 
within  the  figure  of  the  ark.  No  animal  was  made 
an  emblem  of  the  idolater.  That  which  was  not  in 
the  ark  may  not  be  in  the  Church."  ^ 

Tertullian's  controversy  with  Marcion  figures 
largely  in  ante-Nicene  history,  but  is  too  wide  and 
intricate  to  be  disposed  of  in  a  few  sentences.  I 
have  only  room  to  say  that  Marcion  identified  matter 
with  moral  evil,  or  rather  that  he  believed  the  former 
was  a  source  of  the  latter ;  that  the  creator  of  our 
material  world  is  really  the  author  of  evil  and  God 
of  the  Old  Testament  ;  but  that  the  God  of  the 
New  Testament  is  the  Saviour  of  men,  and  the 
source  of  all  that  is  really  true  and  good.  This 
theory  TertuUian  exposed  with  amazing  force  and 
eloquence,  establishing  the  unity  and  authority  of 
the  two  Biblical  records.  His  work  is  a  wonderful 
production.^ 

Tertullian's  repellent  style  was  not  likely  to  win 
over   to   his   views   persons   he   addressed.      Of    his 


De  Idol.,  -Zi^. 
'  1  have  been  much  struck  by  a  perusal  of  Co?it.  Marcionem. 


Ch.  IV]      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT  77 


intellectual  gifts  there  can  be  but  one  opinion  ;  but 
I  must  confess  there  is  no  other  apologist  I  find 
so  difficult  to  follow.  He  presents,  in  his  defence 
of  Christianity,  a  labyrinth  of  thoughts,  the  con- 
secutiveness  of  which — the  way  in  and  the  way  out 
— it  is  difficult  to  trace.  But  there  are  expressions 
of  his  never  to  be  forgotten.  "  The  blood  of  the 
martyrs  is  the  seed  of  the  Church "  has  become  an 
aphorism  which  can  never  die.  A  grim  humour 
now  and  then  flashes  up,  as  when  he  talks  of  per- 
secutors making  martyrs  and  idols,  after  the  same 
fashion,  "with  crosses  and  stakes,  axes  and  saws, 
knives  and  nails."  "  We  are,"  he  says,  "  thrown 
into  a  fire  to  be  melted  down  like  iron,  lead,  and 
other  metals."  His  Punic  dialect  requires  at  times 
a  special  lexicon  to  make  it  intelligible  ;  and,  unfor- 
tunately, his  Latin  has  done  much  to  make  many 
divines  since  rather  hard  to  read,  as  he  is  himself. 

Let  me  add,  Tertullian  had  a  keen  perception  of 
other  people's  imperfections,  and  was  by  no  means 
charitable  in  construction  of  their  motives.  He 
unsparingly  condemned  what  he  did  not  like,  and 
hence  he  made  numerous  personal  enemies.  This 
fact  explains  his  unpopularity.  Apt  to  censure 
others,  they  retaliated  by  censuring  him.  He  was 
no    heretic,   nor    indeed,   voluntarily,   a    schismatic ; 


78      LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part 

but  I  regard  him  as  just  the  person  to  create  an 
idea  of  his  being  both. 

Though  married,  TertuHian  had  no  family,  and 
his  asceticism  unfitted  him  for  domestic  and  social 
enjoyments  ;  yet  there  comes  out  something  genial 
in  his  notice  of  the  Agape.  "  We  eat  as  worshipping 
God  by  night ;  talk  as  knowing  that  He  listens. 
Having  washed  our  hands  and  lighted  the  lamps, 
each  sings  according  to  ability.  Prayer  concludes 
the  feast." 

Cyprian,  whom  we  have  noticed  already,  called 
TertuHian  his  master.  Wc  think  of  the  master  as 
rude  and  unpolished,  and  his  disciple  as  refined  and 
polite.  The  latter,  it  is  said,  had  a  retentive  memory 
and  active  habits,  with  command  of  others,  proving 
him  to  have  possessed  business  power.  Pontinus, 
his  deacon,  says  :  "  His  countenance  was  grave,  yet 
cheerful,  neither  too  severe  nor  too  placid  ;  his 
dress  was  in  harmony  with  this,  neither  pretentious 
nor  mean,  neither  extravagant  nor  penurious."  From 
the  same  authority  we  learn  that  Cyprian's  house 
was  free  to  all  comers.  No  widow  went  away  with 
an  empty  lap  from  his  hospitable  door.  When 
pestilence  raged,  he  said  it  was  a  test  whether  the 
healthy  would  nurse  the  sick.  He  worked  hard  to 
keep  the   Church   unspotted  from   the  world. 


Ch.  IVJ      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF   THOUGHT  79 

Cyprian  was  more  of  an  ecclesiastic  than  a  theo- 
logian ;  devoted  to  the  experimental  and  practical 
side  of  religion  rather  than  the  doctrinal.  But,  in 
his  epistles,  he  dwells  with  devout  interest  upon 
Christ  as  our  Lord  and  God,  truly  Divine  whilst 
truly  human  ;  as  our  King  and  Judge  ;  as  the 
Sacrifice  for  our  sin,  and  the  High  Priest  of  our 
profession  ;  as  loving  us  with  infinite  pity,  and 
redeeming  us  by  His  cross  and  passion ;  as  Protector, 
Guardian,  Shepherd,  Captain  ;  crowned  Himself, 
and  giving  crowns  to  His  true  soldiers.  Christians, 
in  Cyprian's  esteem,  must  live  in  Christ,  by  Christ, 
with  Christ,  awaiting  sufferings  for  His  sake.  Christ 
gives  to  us  as  much  as  we  believe,  not  according 
to  our  merit,  but  His  mercy.^ 

Cyprian  wrote  a  treatise  on  Unity.  Reading  it, 
I  find  it  is  a  plea  for  episcopal  uniformity.  "  This 
unity,"  he  says,  "  we  hold,  especially  we  bishops, 
that  we  may  approve  the  episcopate  to  be  one 
and  undivided."  From  beginning  to  end  he  is 
thinking  of  the  episcopal  form  as  a  bond  of  brother- 

'  Shepherd,  in  his  History  of  the  Chtirch  of  Rome,  attacks 
the  writings  of  Cyprian,  disputing  their  genuineness.  The 
critic  was  answered  in  the  Quartcfly  Review,  June,  1853.  I 
remember  the  controversy,  and  on  reading  Shepherd's  History 
saw  the  ground  he  took  was  untenable. 


So     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

hood,   oblivious    of    the    fact    that    episcopacy   was 
being  professed,  at  that   very  moment,  where    strife 
between   bishop   and    bishop,    between    Church   and 
Church    (all    of    episcopal    order),    prevailed    to    the 
disgrace  of  Christendom.     The  shadow  of  unity  in 
an    outward    form    was    left,    but    the    substance   of 
union  was  gone.     Parties  were  professed   Episcopa- 
lians, yet  quarrelling  together  as  to  whether  certain 
men  were  included   in   the  order.     Cyprian  did  not 
see,   though    it   was    plain    enough,   that    uniformity 
might   remain   in    Church   government,  and   yet  the 
unity  of  the  Spirit  not  be  kept  in   bonds  of  peace. 
Certainly,  Episcopalianism    is    no    more   a   bond    of 
union  than  other  forms  of  ecclesiastical  government, 
seeing      that     bishops,     like     other      people,     then 
quarrelled     one     with    another.      The     controversy, 
which     grieved     sorely     the     heart     of     the     good 
Carthaginian    prelate,    demonstrated    the    fallacy   of 
his    favourite  argument.     We    see  in    modern    times 
episcopal     communities     holding    fast    their    funda- 
mental   principle,    and    yet    full    of    intestine   strife. 
On  the  other  hand,  denominations  adopting  diversi- 
fied   methods   of    government   may   and   do   live   in 
concord   and    charity   one   with    another.     Brotherly 
love,   not   ecclesiastical    agreement,  is   the   secret   of 
real     unity.       Cyprian     denounced      "  heretics     and 


Ch.  IV]       LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF   THOUGHT  8 1 

schismatics   as    not  gathered  in    Christ's  name,"  but 
as  people  "  like  Korah  and  Uzziah." 

Citing  the  words  of  our  Lord,  "  Thou  art  Peter, 
and  upon  this  rock  I  will  build  My  Church,  and 
the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it,"  Cyprian 
remarks :  "In  order  to  manifest  unity,  Christ  has 
by  His  own  authority  so  placed  the  source  of  the 
same  unity  to  begin  from  one.  Certainly  the  other 
Apostles  also  had  what  Peter  was  endowed  with, 
an  equal  fellowship  both  of  honour  and  power ;  but 
a  commencement  is  made  from  unity,  that  the 
Church  may  be  set  before  us  as  one."  This  utterance 
is  ambiguous.  Hence  a  dispute  arises  between 
Roman  and  Anglo  Catholics,  into  which  it  would 
on  these  pages  be  foreign  to  enter. 

Of  the  benevolence,  and,  under  some  circumstances, 
the  tenderness  of  Cyprian,  there  can  be  no  doubt, 
but  he  was  a  strict  disciplinarian.  "  Discipline,"  he 
says,  "  is  a  protection  against  Satan's  wiles.  He 
cannot  bite  feet  shod  with  this  defence.  To  relax 
discipline  is  injurious  to  the  safety  and  welfare  of 
the  Church.  Laxity  is  hurtful,  and  severity  is 
benevolent  ;  but  it  is  to  be  tempered  with  mercy, 
like  the  dealings  of  God."  In  this  way  Cyprian 
writes  letter  after  letter.  Immorality  the  good  man 
would  not   tolerate  ;  but  when   I  read  what  he  has 

6 


82     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  1 


written,  I  must  say  that  schism,  heresy,  and  the 
conduct  of  the  lapsed,  beyond  other  offences  aroused 
his  indignation.  For  all  this  he  was  reviled  ;  "  but 
discipline,"  he  says,  "  must  not  be  abandoned."  ^ 
After  all  he  was  a  man  of  deep  spirituality  and 
devotion.  An  eminent  Nonconformist  friend  of  mine 
used  to  speak  of  his  piety  in  the  strongest  terms 
of  admiration. 

We  know  little  respecting  the  details  of  Cyprian's 
private  life,  but  we  have  a  full  account  of  his  death. 
The  incidents  are  carefully  preserved.  The  main 
source  of  his  joy  was  the  life  to  come.  The  walls 
of  the  earthly  house,  he  said,  tottered,  and  the  roof 
shook.  The  ship  was  tossed,  and  the  mariner 
hastened  to  the  harbour.  Thus  he  wrote,  as  he 
longed  for  home  and  rest.  "  Paradise,"  he  said,  in 
his  touching  treatise  on  Moi-tality,  "  we  reckon  as 
our  native  land.  Patriarchs  are  our  parents,  and  we 
long  to  salute  our  ancestry.  Earth  is  shut,  but 
Heaven  opens.  Death  comes,  and  Immortality 
follows.  Faith,  made  ready  for  martyrdom,  will  not 
be  without  reward." 

In  concluding  what  I  have  to  say  of  Cyprian,  let 
me  remark  that,  while  I  differ  from  his  ecclesiastical 

>  Ep.,  lix.,  4. 


Ch.  IV]      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT  83 

views,  there  is  no  one  of  the  Fathers  who  impresses 
me  so  much  by  his  beautiful  devoutness  of  heart  and 
hfe.  His  reahsation  of  God,  Christ,  and  Eternity 
is  wonderful.  He  endured  as  seeing  Him  who  is 
invisible.  I  regard  him  as  spiritually  akin  to  George 
Herbert  and  Thomas  Ken. 

The  ascetic  influence  of  Cyprian,  following  as  he 
did  TertuUian  in  this  respect,  has  been  often  noticed. 
Very  much  of  early  hermit  life,  and,  through  that, 
of  mediaeval  monachism,  which,  after  all,  was  an 
improvement  upon  some  previous  ascetic  examples, 
may,  I  think,  be  traced  to  the  writings  of  the  Car- 
thaginian bishop,  whose  piety  and  good  intentions 
no  one  can  fairly  doubt. 

Asceticism,  in  its  decided  shape,  made  its  ap- 
pearance in  the  third  century.  Two  typical  examples, 
earliest  and  most  pronounced,  occurred  within  that 
period — Paul  and  Antony.  We  are  told  that  Paul 
died  in  A.D.  343,  a  hundred  and  thirty  years  old  ; 
Antony  in  356,  at  the  age  of  a  hundred  and  five. 
More  than  half  their  lives,  therefore,  pertain  to  the 
age  under  present  review.  No  contemporary  account 
of  them  remains,  but  we  have  a  full-length  portrait 
of  Antony  by  Athanasius.  It  is,  no  doubt,  based 
upon  traditions,  looked  at  in  the  light  of  an  age 
when     asceticism    was    attracting     admiration     and 


84     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

reverence  from  illustrious  Churchmen.  How  far  the 
famous  biography  of  Antony  is  to  be  trusted,  is  a 
puzzle  to  unprejudiced  critics ;  at  any  rate,  it  in- 
dicates that  before  the  reign  of  Constantine  the 
hermit  habit  had  begun  to  be  developed.  Paul  and 
Antony  appear  together.  Paul  dwelt  in  a  cave, 
close  to  a  palm  tree  and  a  water  spring,  leaves  and 
dates  supplying  him  with  clothing  and  food,  for 
forty-three  years.  Afterwards  bread  was  brought 
every  day  by  a  faithful  raven.  Antony  visited 
him,  not  long  before  his  death,  and  on  the  way 
met  with  a  centaur,  who  fled  at  the  sight  of  the 
cro-ss,  after  helping  the  old  man  to  find  out  where 
Paul  was.  The  raven  came  as  usual  to  Paul  that 
day,  but  with  a  double  portion  for  him  and  his 
guest.  Antony  saw  the  soul  of  Paul  carried  up  to 
heaven,  attended  by  angels,  prophets,  and  apostles, 
a  grave  being  dug  for  his  body  by  a  couple  of  lions. 
Other  incredible  marvels  are  related  ;  how  Antony 
was  tempted  in  a  desert  far  away  from  all  human 
abodes,  by  devils  who  came  to  him  in  the  guise  of 
beautiful  women.  From  youth  to  age  he  never 
changed  his  clothing,  and,  dying  in  the  odour  of 
sanctity,  left  behind  him  traditions  piously  collected 
and  preserved  by  his  admirers.  Contradictory  stories 
are   told    about    Antony's    knowledge   of  Scripture; 


Ch.  IV]      LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF   THOUGHT  85 

some  saying  that  he  could  read,  others  that  he 
could  not,  and  that  he  learned  all  he  knew  from 
what  he  heard.  At  all  events  this  noted  saint  was 
no  student  of  the  Bible  ;  and  much  of  what  is 
related  by  Athanasius  about  him  throws  a  dark 
shadow  across  the  period  in  which  he  lived.^ 

As  the  distinguished  Fathers  described  pass  in 
review  before  us,  we  are  in  the  presence  of  a  fact 
quite  new  in  the  history  of  mankind.  Here  are  men 
of  different  countries,  languages,  habits,  and  idiosyn- 
crasies, brought  together  by  a  bond  of  belief,  sym- 
pathy, and  affection.  Africans  and  Europeans, 
Greeks  and  Latins,  the  philosophical  and  those  un- 
accustomed to  abstract  speculation,  are  found  em- 
bracing the  Gospel  which  reveals  God  the  Father, 
Christ  the  Son,  and  the  Holy  Ghost,  sanctifier  and 
comforter  of  souls.  Thus  men  became  one  in  a 
sense  never  understood  before.  Their  faith  rested 
on  a  Divine  Prophet,  Lord,  and  King,  and  was  such 
as  never  entered  into  human  minds  to  conceive  before 

'  I  have  seen  doubts  cast  on  Athanasius'  authorship  of 
Antony's  Life.  I  do  not  know  on  what  grounds.  Cardinal 
Newman  remarks,  "  I  conceive  no  question  can  be  raised  as 
to  its  integrity."  That  such  a  man  as  Athanasius  could  write 
such  a  book  as  the  Life  of  Antony,  shows  how  much  superstition 
existed  in  his  days.  Plenty  of  what  Protestants  count  super- 
stitions may  be  found  in  writers  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries. 


86     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

Christ's  time.  They  were  "  new  creatures,"  weaned 
from  earthly  ambition  and  self-indulgence,  ready  to 
die  for  Him  who  died  for  them.  It  perplexes  reason 
to  account  for  this  :  the  Divine  origin  of  Christianity 
IS  the  only  solution. 

To  say  that  the  primitive  Church  believed  Jesus 
of  Nazareth  to  be  only  a  man  is  to  contradict  the 
consensus  of  patristic  teaching.  "  Who  knows  not  the 
works  of  Irenaeus,  and  Melito,  and  the  rest,  in  all  of 
which  Christ  is  described  as  both  God  and  man  ?  "  are 
the  words  of  Eusebius  ;  and  he  adds  :  "  There  was 
a  certain  Natalius,  who  lived,  not  in  remote  times, 
but  in  our  own.  He  was  seduced  by  Asclepediorus, 
and  Theodotus,  a  money-changer."  ^  Such  is  the 
origin  assigned  by  the  historian  Eusebius  to  a 
belief  in  Christ's  sole  humanity. 

Agreement  as  to  the  Divine  personality  of  Jesus 
Christ  was  a  bond  of  unity  strong  enough  to  bear 
the  strain  of  subordinate  controversies,  both  as  to 
doctrinal  opinion  and  ecclesiastical  observance. 
Polycarp  adhered  to  the  tradition  that  Easter  should 
be  kept  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  month,  whatever 
might  be  the  day  of  the  week  ;  but  Anicctus  main- 
tained that  the  feast  of  the  resurrection  should   be 

'  Eusebius,  Eccl,  Hist.,  v.,  28. 


Ch.IV]     LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS   OF  THOUGHT  87 


confined  to  the  first  day.  Polycarp  visited  Rome 
in  the  middle  of  the  second  century,  with  the  hope 
he  might  convince  his  brother  that  the  Oriental 
season  of  observance  was  the  proper  one.  Failing 
in  that  respect,  he  united,  notwithstanding,  in  the 
holy  commemoration,  inviting  the  Bishop  of  Smyrna 
to  officiate  in  the  service. 

Nor  was  this  union  confined  to  one  point  :  Chris- 
tian doctrine  with  regard  to  Christ  was  a  whole  ; 
what  He  was,  stood  in  relation  to  what  He  did, 
according  to  the  perception  of  primitive  teachers. 
Redemption,  in  its  doctrinal  view,  was  not  fully 
developed  until  a  later  period,  and  some  peculiar 
ideas  held  for  a  time  respecting  it  have  long  since 
dropped  out  of  controversy  ;  but  a  comprehensive 
belief  obtained  that  Christ,  by  His  obedience  and 
sacrifice,  by  "  His  agony  and  bloody  sweat.  His  cross 
and  passion,"  made  an  atonement  for  the  sins  of  the 
world. ^ 

'  I  may  here  take  the  opportunity  of  noticing  the  division 
which  Kurtz  makes  in  his  Church  History  (Period  I.,  Div.  ii.) 
respecting  the  second  and  third  centuries, — the  former  of  these 
periods,  which  he  calls  Posi  Apostolic,  lasting  down  to  a.d.  170  ; 
the  latter,  denominated  Old  Catholic,  reaching  to  the  time  of 
Constantine.  Kurtz  rests  this  distinction  on  theological  grounds, 
A.D.  170  being  the  time  of  Irenaeus,  the  early  great  champion 
against  heretics,   and  also  the  time  when  the  Trinitarian  con- 


88     LIGHTS  AND   SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

Tertullian  has  a  remarkable  passage  touching  the 
doctrine  of  our  Lord's  person.  "  The  mystery  of  the 
dispensation  is  guarded,  which  distributes  the  Unity 
into  a  Trinity,  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Spirit — Three, 
not  in  condition,  but  degree,  not  in  substance,  but  in 
form,  not  in  power,  but  in  aspect ;  of  one  substance, 
of  one  power  as  He  is  one  God,  in  name.  Father, 
Son,  and  Holy  Ghost.  He  is  the  one  only  God, 
yet  must  be  believed  according  to  His  own  economy. 
The  Unity,  which  derives  the  Trinity  out  of  itself,  is 
so  far  from  being  destroyed,  that  it  is  administered 
by  it."  Tertullian,  in  his  own  crabbed  style,  thus 
maintains  the  Unity  of  the  Triune  Godhead  to  be 
a  doctrine  of  the  primitive  Church  at  large,  and  not 
a  particular  opinion  of  his  own.^  He  adduces  a 
number  of  considerations  supporting  the  Trinity  and 
Unity  of  the  Divine  existence,  giving  it  not  merely 
as  an  individual  opinion,  but  as  a  prime  article  of  the 
Catholic  faith.  Here  we  have  a  so-called  schismatic 
contending  for  doctrinal  orthodoxy.     Praxeas  held  a 


troversy  may  be  said  to  have  commenced.  The  first  period 
includes  the  Apostolic  Fathers  and  Justin  Martyr;  the  second, 
Irenaeus,  Hippolytus,  Clement  of  Alexandria,  Origen,  and  Diony- 
sins  among  the  Greeks ;  Tertullian,  Cyprian,  Arnobius,  and 
Lactantius  among  the  Latins. 
'  Adversus  Praxean,  2,  3. 


Ch.  IV]     LEADERS  AND  SCHOOLS  OF  THOUGHT  89 

new  doctrine,  involving  denial  of  the  Trinity ;  its 
popularity  arose  from  its  novelty.  It  was  new, 
and,  on  that  account,  had  a  special  charm  for  minds 
of  a  certain  order.  I  may  add,  "  Artemas,  like  his 
predecessor  Theodotus,  believed  Jesus  Christ  to  be  a 
mere  man,  and  denied  His  pre-existence,  though  he 
allowed  His  miraculous  conception."^ 

'  Burton's  Ecd.  Hisf.,  ii.,  pp.  223,  387. 


CHAPTER   V 

DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY 

THIS  may  be  said  to  have  been  provided  for 
from  the  beginning.  The  prophecy  of  bruis- 
ing the  serpent's  head,  the  call  of  Abraham,  the 
mission  of  Moses,  and  the  whole  Jewish  dispensation 
prepared  for  the  Gospel.  The  Greek  language  was 
ready  to  receive  the  Old  Testament  in  the  Septuagint. 
Plato  and  other  philosophers  had  prepared  for  early 
patristic  literature.  The  last  century  of  ancient 
heathendom,  by  means  of  politics  and  war,  prepared 
for  the  Christian  era.  Struggles  in  Rome,  battles  in 
Spain  and  Africa — all  helped  to  clear  the  way  for 
Messiah's  empire  over  the  wide  world. 

From  A.D.  31  the  world  was  open  to  the  Divine 
mission  of  the  Church.  Providence  had  prepared 
a  way  for  ministers  of  the  Word,  so  that  for  a  v.iiile 
it  had  free  course. 

Christ's  commission  was  to  preach  the  Gospel  to 
90 


Ch.V]  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  91 

every  creature,  and  that  commission  rested  on  the 
fact  that  God  had  "  made  of  one  blood  every  nation 
of  men  to  dwell  on  the  face  of  the  earth." 

It  is  interesting  to  notice  how  the  Mediterranean 
was  open  in  the  first  century,  so  as  to  admit  the 
passage  of  Apostles  from  one  place  to  another. 
"  It  may  be  observed,"  says  Dr.  Arnold,  "  that  two 
out  of  the  three  ships  in  which  the  Apostle  Paul 
performed  his  voyage  from  Palestine  to  Rome  were 
ships  of  Alexandria  ;  which  seems  to  indicate  that 
vessels  from  that  place  sailing  direct  to  Italy  were 
more  easily  to  be  found  than  from  any  other  port  in 
the  Eastern  provinces."  ^ 

The  same  author  adds  afterwards :  "  The  evils  of 
war  were  no  longer  felt  or  dreaded.  Four  legions 
only  were  stationed  in  the  whole  of  Asia  Minor  and 
Syria.  The  piracy  once  so  great  an  evil  on  the  coasts 
of  Cilicia  and  Pamphylia,  was  now  so  reduced  as  to 
offer  no  obstacles  to  the  trade  or  general  intercourse 
which  was  carried  on  by  sea."  Arnold  is  here  speak- 
ing of  the  Augustan  era,  and  he  includes  in  his 
notices  "  an  established  conveyance  for  letters."  He 
calls  the  first  eighty  years  of  the  second  century  "  the 
prime  of  manhood  in  the  Roman  empire." 

'  Later  Roman  Empire,  ii.,  p.  377. 


92    L   GHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    pPart  I 

From  A.D.  31  to  A.D.  58  the  empire,  so  far  as  the 
government  was  concerned,  lay  open  to  Christian 
missions.  So  far  God  had  levelled  a  road  where  His 
servants  could  walk  and  work.  The  valley  was 
exalted,  the  mountain  was  made  low  ;  crooked  things 
became  straight,  and  rough  places  plain.  Facilities 
for  travelling  and  for  correspondence,  to  an  unpre- 
cedented extent,  existed  when  Paul  and  others  were 
passing  to  and  fro  from  province  to  province  on  Divine 
errands.  Had  wars  then  raged  round  the  Mediter- 
ranean shores,  or  Cilician  pirates  swept  its  waters,  as 
they  did  a  century  earlier,  how  would  Apostles  have 
accomplished  what  they  did? 

The  Fathers  bear  witness  to  the  spread  of  the 
Gospel.  "  There  is  not  one  nation  of  men,"  says 
Justin  Martyr,  "  whether  barbarians  or  Greeks,  or  by 
whatever  name  distinguished,  whether  nomads,  who 
live  in  waggons,  or  those  who  are  without  houses, 
or  pastoral  people  dwelling  in  tents,  among  whom 
prayers  and  thanksgivings  are  not  offered  to  the 
Father  and  Creator  of  all  things,  through  the  name 
of  the  crucified  Jesus."  ^  Tertullian  paints  a  still 
bolder  and  more  highly  coloured  picture,  which,  after 
being  toned  down,  leaves  a  decisive  testimony  to  the 

'  Dial.  Tryph.,  117. 


Ch.V]  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  93 


wide  extent  of  Christian  influence.  "  If  we  wished," 
says  he,  "  to  act  the  avowed  enemy,  not  the  secret 
avenger  only,  would  strength  of  numbers  and  forces 
be  wanting  to  us  ?  We  are  a  people  of  yesterday, 
and  yet  we  have  filled  every  place  belonging  to  you — 
Cities,  Islands,  Castles,  Towns,  Assemblies,  your  very 
camp,  your  tribes,  companies,  palace,  senate,  forums. 
We  leave  you  your  temples  only.  We  can  count 
your  armies  ;  our  number  in  a  single  province  will 
be  greater.  If  so  large  a  body  of  men  as  we  were 
to  break  away  from  you  into  some  remote  corner 
of  the  globe,  surely  the  loss  of  so  many  citizens, 
of  whatever  sort  they  might  be,  would  cover  your 
kingdom  with  shame,  and  would  punish  by  the  very 
desertion  of  you."  ^  To  this  witness,  borne  to  the 
number  of  Christians  within  the  pale  of  Roman 
civilisation,  may  be  added  another  relative  to  tribes 
outside — Moors,  Spaniards,  Gauls,  Britons,  Sar- 
matians,  Dacians,  Germans,  and  Scythians.  Irenseus, 
in  a  more  sober  strain,  speaks  of  the  truths  of  the 
Gospel  being  written  in  the  hearts  of  barbarian 
people  by  the  Holy  Spirit.^  Origen  declares  that 
Christianity  had  won  myriads  of  converts  from 
among  all  nations,^  and  Arnobius   mentions   distant 


'  Apol.,  37.  2  ^^2,,  Hcer.,  iii.,  4,  2, 

^  Co7itra  Celsum,  {.,  27. 


94      LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  1 

realms  where  believers  might  be  found.^  The  de- 
fenders of  the  Christian  faith  would  not  have  dared 
to  write  in  this  way,  if  its  wide-spread  influence  had 
not  been  an  unquestionable  fact. 

Antioch,  the  first  missionary  station  of  Christen- 
dom, maintained  a  prominent  position  among  the 
Churches  during  the  period  under  review.  In  the 
time  of  Ignatius  its  moral  power  must  have  been 
great,  and  in  a  city  of  200,000  inhabitants  the  disciples, 
who  were  there  first  called  Christians,  found,  under 
such  a  pastor,  a  wide  sphere  for  their  activity.  The 
number  of  professors  at  Antioch  in  the  fourth  century 
indicates  the  progress  which  had  been  previously  going 
on.  Pliny,  in  his  letter  to  Trajan,  throws  light  on 
the  advance  of  Christianity  in  Asia  Minor  ;  for  he 
tells  his  imperial  friend  that  the  temples  of  the 
cfods  were  almost  forsaken,  and  animals  for  sacrifices 
found  few  purchasers. 

The  history  of  particular  Churches  becomes  obscure 
after  the  apostolic  age,  but  the  names  of  bishops 
presiding  over  some  of  them  have  been  preserved. 
Only  scanty  notices  can  be  found  of  Macedonia  and 
Corinth,  Greece  and  Athens,  but  there  were  traditions 
in    after   times  of  bishops    and   catechetical  schools 

'  Ad  Getties,  i.,  16. 


Ch.  V]  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  95 

there  between  the  first  and  fourth  centuries.  The 
Church  at  Rome  was  the  most  important  of  the  West, 
and  in  the  middle  of  the  second  century  had  forty-six 
presbyters,  besides  the  Bishop-in-chicf. 

Africa  received  the  Gospel  in  apostolic  times.  The 
Evangelist  Mark  is  reported  to  have  laid  the  founda- 
tion of  the  Church  in  Alexandria,  which  witnessed,  in 
the  year  235,  a  council, whither  had  come  twentybishops 
from  different  places  in  the  neighbourhood.  Carthage 
had  a  flourishing  Church  in  the  second  century. 
Cyprian  there  assembled  a  council  of  eighty-seven 
bishops,  and  half  a  century  later  the  Donatist  pastors 
met  in  the  same  place  to  the  number  of  270.  No 
doubt  some  dioceses  were  small.  In  Western  Europe, 
Spain  could  reckon  at  the  Synod  of  Elibeus  nineteen 
bishops  ;  and,  at  the  Council  of  Aries,  as  we  shall  see, 
three  British  bishops  were  present.  The  Churches 
of  Lyons  and  Vienne,  in  Gaul,  seem  to  have  been 
spiritually  prosperous  at  the  time  of  the  persecution 
in  the  last  half  of  the  second  century,  their  close 
connection  with  Asia  Minor  at  that  period  being  a 
very  important  fact. 

"  The  Gospel  was  propagated  chiefly  by  preaching 
and  by  personal  intercourse  ;  to  a  considerable  ex- 
tent also  through  Sacred  Scriptures,  which  were 
early  translated  into  different  tongues.     Communica- 


96      LIGHTS   AND   SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 


tion  in  different  parts  of  the  empire,  from  Damascus 
to  Britain,  was  comparatively  easy  and  safe.  High- 
ways made  for  commerce  and  Roman  legions  served 
also  the  messengers  of  peace  and  the  conquests  of 
the  Cross.  Besides  the  regular  ministry,  slaves,  and 
women  particularly,  appear  to  have  performed  mis- 
sionary service,  and  to  have  introduced  the  Christian 
life  into  all  circles  of  society." 

Thus  then,  by  turning  over  page  after  page, 
written  seventeen  or  eighteen  hundred  years  since, 
we,  as  it  were,  hold  in  our  hands  telegrams  forwarded 
by  witnesses  of  Christian  victories  won  so  long  ago. 

One  thing  is  often  overlooked  in  the  early  diffusion 
of  Christianity.  Our  Lord  said,  "  The  kingdom  of 
heaven  is  like  leaven,  which  a  woman  took  and  hid 
in  three  measures  of  meal  till  the  whole  was  leavened." 
So,  unremarked  by  the  world,  did  the  Word  of  God 
work  effectually.  No  account  is  or  could  be  pre- 
served of  hidden  influences  amongst  humble  people. 
Dean  Milman  says :  "  Christianity  sunk  deeply  into 
depths  of  the  human  heart,  unmoved  by  tumults 
which  so  fiercely  agitated  the  surface  of  the  Christian 
world.  Far  below,  less  observed,  less  visible  in  its 
mode  of  operation,  though  manifest  in  its  effects,  was 
that  profound  conviction  of  the  truth  of  the  Gospel, 
that  infelt  sense  of  its  blessings,  which  enabled  it  to 


Ch.  Vj  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  97 

pursue  its  course  of  conversion  throughout  the  world, 
to  bring  the  Roman  mind  more  completely  under 
subjection,  and  one  by  one  to  subdue  the  barbarian 
tribes  which  began  to  overspread  and  mingle  with  the 
Greek  and  Latin  population  of  the  empire." 

The  beneficence  of  Christians  promoted  the  spread 
of  the  Gospel.  We  find  depicted  scenes  of  horror  in 
Armenia  under  the  Emperor  Maximinus,  during  a 
time  of  famine,  and  deadly  disease  which  followed  in 
the  wake  of  want.  People  ate  noxious  herbs  and 
wisps  of  hay ;  some,  wasted  to  skeletons,  stumbled 
in  the  highway,  and  fell,  gasping  the  words,  "  Hunger  ! 
hunger ! "  Then  "  the  evidences  of  Christian  piety 
and  zeal  became  manifest,  for  Christians  were  the 
only  persons  who  manifested  humanity  in  their  con- 
duct. They  buried  the  dead,  and,  collecting  together 
the  famished,  distributed  bread  ;  so  that  their  conduct 
was  noticed  and  praised  by  all,  and  men  glorified  the 
Christians'  God."^ 

Eusebius  writes,  "Throughout  every  city  and 
village,  like  a  replenished  barn  floor,  Churches  were 
rapidly  found  abounding,  and  filled  with  members 
from  every  people."  There  is  perhaps  a  touch  of 
rhetoric  here,  but  the  learned  author,  whilst   many 

^  Latin  Christianity^  i.,  p.  255. 


98     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  1 

still  opposed  Christianity,  would  hardly  have  ventured 
on  such  a  report  if  there  had  not  been  patent  facts  to 
bear  it  out.  Other  broad  statements  occur  in  other 
writers.  Pliny,  in  his  letter  to  Trajan  (a.D.  107), 
after  describing  what  he  had  done  with  the  new  sect, 
remarks  :  "  The  matter  appears  to  me  to  require  that 
I  should  ask  your  counsel,  especially  on  account  of 
the  number  who  are  in  danger  of  suffering,  of  both 
sexes,  of  every  order."  Temples  were  almost  de- 
serted— victims  rarely  found  a  purchaser.  TertuUian 
used  strong  language  touching  the  spread  of  the 
Gospel,  but  facts,  if  not  fully  justifying  every  word, 
confirm  the  substance  of  his  assertion.  If  we  ex- 
amine a  map  of  the  Empire  in  the  fourth  century, 
we  find  it  includes  Palestine,  Syria,  Asia  Minor, 
Cyprus,  Egypt,  Greece,  Illyricum,  Italy,  Gaul, 
Spain,  and  Britain — Christianity  penetrated  them 
all. 

Facts  illustrating  the  propagation  of  the  Gospel 
are  beyond  dispute  ;  details  of  success  have  been 
filled  in  partially  by  the  researches  of  scholars.  The 
pith  of  numerous  particulars  has  been  published 
by  Wiltsch,  in  his  German  Handbook  of  Church 
Geography  and  Statistics,  translated  into  English  by 
Eeitch.  This  branch  of  study  has  been  cultivated 
by    Romanists    and    neglected    by    Protestants.     No 


Ch.    J  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  99 

doubt,  in  collections  by  Baronius  and  Mansi  (who 
supply  material  for  such  digests)  there  is  a  great  deal 
which  few  critics  outside  their  communion  can  accept ; 
but  that  does  not  justify  our  rushing  to  the  extreme 
of  regarding  all  particulars  they  supply  as  mere 
inventions.  Some  of  them  appear  to  me  quite  trust- 
worthy, and  I  have  found  it  interesting  to  turn  over 
Wiltsch's  pages  when  I  have  been  studying  particular 
branches  of  Church  history.  For  instance,  after  read- 
ing Arnold's  glowing  description  of  Rhodes  (a  place 
which  I  well  remember  passing  on  my  way  from 
Bey  rout  to  Smyrna),  I  opened  Wiltsch  to  see  if  he 
had  anything  to  say  about  the  early  history  of 
Christianity  in  that  island,  and  I  found  that  he  notices 
a  Bishop  of  Rhodes  at  the  Council  of  Nice  in  A.D.  325. 
This  bishop's  name  stands  third  in  succession,  carrying 
back  the  episcopate  at  Rhodes  into  the  third  century, 
and  the  introduction  of  it  there,  most  likely,  to  a  still 
earlier  date.  Arnold  speaks  of  heathen  Rhodes  as 
distinguished  by  "justice  and  mutual  kindness,"  and 
a  "  spirit  of  general  benevolence,  and  of  forbearance 
even  towards  enemies."  ^  If  so,  were  not  the  Rhodians 
a  people  prepared  of  the  Lord  for  receiving  His  truth? 
The   diffusion    of    the   Gospel    before   the   age   of 

'  Arnolds  Hist,  of  Ro7ne,  ii.,  p.  415. 


loo  LIGHTS   AND  SHADOWS    OF  CHRISTENDOM     Part  1 

Constantine  must  altogether  have  been  very  extensive, 
for  imperial  and  other  conversions  certainly  proceeded 
more  or  less  from  an  impression  that  paganism  was 
a  losing  cause.  Roman  idolatry  and  popular  super- 
stition in  town  and  country  had  to  be  overcome ; 
and  the  labour  needed  for  this  purpose  must  have 
been  immense.  Effective  propagation  could  not 
but  be  gradual.  "  Many  persons,"  says  a  modern 
missionary,  "  think  that  the  conversion  of  a  few 
hundreds  to  Christianity  should  reform  a  whole 
province.  It  is  not  so.  It  never  was  so  since  the 
first  dawn  of  the  kingdom  of  God.  The  progress 
of  ideas  has  always  been  slow,  and  only  by  comparing 
one  age  with  another  can  progress  and  improvement 
be  marked."  ^ 

It  is  very  remarkable  to  learn  that  at  the  death 
of  Gregory  Thaumaturgus  of  Neo-Caisarea,  in  the 
third  century,  the  number  of  heathens  remaining 
in  his  diocese  amounted  only  to  seventeen,  exactly 
corresponding  with  the  number  of  Christians  when 
he  was  ordained  to  episcopal  office.  Gregory's 
namesake  of  Nyssa,  in  a  romantic  eulogium  on  the 
"  wonder-worker,"  tells  a  curious  story,  how,  at  a 
festival  of  some  local  deity,  the  place  was  too  small 

1  Light  in  Africa,  by  James  Macdonald,  p.  135. 


Ch.  V]  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  IDI 

to  hold  the  crowds,  and  the  people  cried,  "  Zeus, 
make  room  for  us !  "  After  this  Gregory  exclaimed, 
"  There  shall  be  granted  you  larger  room  than  you 
pray  for,  or  ever  have  known."  A  fearful  pestilence 
followed,  which  was  regarded  as  a  fulfilment  of  the 
speaker's  prophecy.  The  disease  was  accompanied 
by  other  calamities.  They  yielded  to  the  bishop's 
intercession,  and  this  led  to  numerous  conversions. 
I  give  the  story  as  I  find  it.^ 

The  number  of  believers  in  Rome  is  a  subject 
of  much  interest.  "  In  the  capital,"  says  Bishop 
Lightfoot,  "  there  is  every  reason  to  think  the 
Christians  were  as  influential  and  bore  as  large  a 
proportion  to  the  heathen  population  as  in  any 
part  of  the  Empire,  except  possibly  some  districts 
of  Africa,  and  some  exceptional  cities  elsewhere, 
such  as  Antioch.  Now,  in  an  extant  letter  of 
Cornelius,  who  was  Bishop  of  Rome  from  250  to 
252,  it  is  stated  that  the  number  of  widows  and 
others  receiving  the  alms  of  the  Church  was 
over  1,500.  Unfortunately  the  whole  number  of  the 
Christians  is  not  recorded  ;  but  in  the  Church  of 
Antioch,  somewhat  later,  we  find  that  the  proportion 


'  Smith's   Christian  Biography ;  articles,  "  Gregory  Thaum." 
and  "  Gregory  of  Nyssa." 


I02  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

of  these  recipients  of  alms  was  three  for  every 
hundred.  Assuming  this  same  proportion  to  hold 
for  Rome  (and  there  is  at  all  events  no  reason  for 
supposing  it  less),  we  should  get  50,000  as  the  whole 
number  of  Roman  Christians.  Now  at  the  very 
lowest  estimate  the  population  of  Rome  amounted 
to  one  million  (some  make  it  a  million  and  a  half), 
so  that  the  Christians  at  this  time  would  form 
somewhat  less  than  one-twentieth  of  the  whole."  ^ 

Other  means  besides  preaching  promoted  the 
cause.  For  instance,  a  Christian  woman  was  taken 
captive  by  Iberians — a  Spanish  colony  at  the  foot 
of  the  Caucasus,  their  settlement  being  separated 
by  Colchis  from  the  Euxine  Sea.  She  was  known 
for  her  piety,  and  her  fame  reached  the  queen  of 
the  country,  who  had  a  sick  child,  and  thought  the 
woman's  prayers  might  save  his  life.  She  accordingly 
sent  and  requested  her  intercessions,  which  were 
earnestly  offered,  and  proved  successful.  Upon  his 
restoration,  the  mother  herself  becoming  ill,  she 
requested  prayers  on  her  own  account ;  she  also 
recovered,  and  when  the  stranger  was  thanked  for 
what  she  had  done,  she  replied,  "  This  work  is  not 


'  "  Comparative  Progress  of  Ancient  and  Modern  Missions."   A 
paper  read  at  the  Annual  Meeting  of  the  S.P.G.,  1873. 


Ch.  V]  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  103 

mine,  but  Christ's  the  Son  of  God,  who  made  the 
world."  The  conversion  of  the  queen  followed,  and 
led  further  to  that  of  the  king,  who  also  betook 
himself  to  the  exercise  of  prayer,  to  faith  in  Christ, 
and  to  the  building  of  an  oratory  for  Divine  worship, 
A  change  in  the  weather,  and  a  miracle  in  placing 
a  pillar  of  this  oratory  on  its  base,  are  related,  after 
the  manner  of  the  age,  as  the  result  of  these  royal 
conversions.  The  authority  of  an  Iberian  prince  is 
cited  by  Socrates  the  historian  for  the  story,  part 
of  which  must  be  numbered  amongst  other  beliefs 
of  that  credulous  age.  The  same  narrative — which, 
in  reference  to  the  captive's  prayers  and  the  royal 
conversions,  I  accept — is  repeated  in  other  words 
by  Theodoret  and  Sozomen,  historians  living  at  the 
same  period,  contemporary  with  Socrates,  about  a 
century  and  a  half  after  the  Iberian  conversions  ;  and 
I  give  it  as  the  most  interesting  I  can  find  connected 
with  the  Christianisation  of  Gothic  tribes  in  the 
North-East' 

Christianity  reached  Britain  at  an  early  period, 
but  how  we  do  not  know.  Much  has  been  written 
about  Plautus,  Pudens,  and  Claudia  (names  mentioned 
by  the  Apostle   Paul,  and  by  the  poet  Martial),  in 

'  Theodoret,  i.,  24  ;  Sozomen,  ii.,  7  ;  Socrates,  i.,  20. 


I04   LIGHTS  AND   SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

order  to  show  that  the  persons  so  named  came  to 
our  island  in  the  first  century  ;  but  the  attempt,  to 
my  mind,  is  inconclusive.  A  slight  glimmer  of  facts 
may  perhaps  be  found  in  Mello,  a  Gallic  bishop  of 
the  third  century,  said  to  have  been  a  native  of  our 
country. 

In  looking  back  upon  the  progress  of  Christianity, 
as  imperfectly  indicated  in  this  chapter,  we  see,  in 
what  : relates  to  Greece  and  Italy,  how  the  Gospel 
in  its  practical  effects  proved  itself  to  be  derived 
from  Him  who  "  went  about  doing  good."  Epicureans 
and  Stoics  competed  with  Apostles  and  their  followers 
in  what  they  offered  to  mankind,  as  consolations 
amidst  darkly  chequered  life-scenes.  The  doctrine 
that  pleasure,  not  duty,  gratification,  not  self-restraint, 
is  the  pole-star  of  fallen  humanity — welcome  enough 
under  emperors  who  sought  popularity  by  providing 
amusements,  when  voluptuousness  ran  riot  to  an 
enormous  extent  :  that  doctrine  left  people  in  sick- 
ness and  sorrow  without  help  or  hope.  The  Stoic 
principle  had  a  noble  side  ;  but  how  humiliating  it 
was  to  its  pride,  that  it  had  no  power  to  rise  above 
calamity,  and  could  only  defy  the  foe  it  could  not 
conquer !  How  the  assumptions  of  these  sects  were 
put  to  shame  by  a  gospel  which  offered  content- 
ment in  time,  and  happiness  in  eternity,  and  inspired 


Ch.  V]  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  105 

lowly,  quiet  strength  amidst  unavoidable  sufifering ! 
Stoicism  crushed  affection  ;  Christianity  exalted  it. 
When  we  turn  from  controversies  and  ceremonies 
to  the  cardiphonia — the  heart  utterances  of  saints 
—  we  discover  proof  after  proof  of  heroism  such  as 
Stoics  never  reached,  united  to  pleasures  such  as 
it  entered  not  into  the  hearts  of  Epicureans  to 
conceive. 

We  must  now  come  farther  West,  and  notice  the 
introduction  of  evangelical  truth  to  our  own  country. 

King  Lucius  figures  in  stories  related  by  Geoffrey 
of  Monmouth  as  a  British  ruler  and  Church  founder 
in  the  second  century.  And  it  is  a  curious  fact 
that  at  the  time  of  the  Reformation  this  fictitious 
tradition  was  cited  in  proof  that  an  ancient  British 
monarch  exercised  authority  in  Ireland  over  the 
Church  there  in  the  second  century.^  Thus,  by 
irony  of  fate,  an  argument  originating  in  mediaeval 
times  was  turned  to  Protestant  account  under 
Henry  VIII.,  when  it  was  urged  that  Popes,  so  early, 
acknowledged  sovereigns  to  be  supreme  in  their 
dominions  over  Church  as  well  as  State. 

Putting  aside  traditions  as  to  causes  of  diffused 
Christianity  in  Britain  at  an   early  period,  proof  of 

'  Olden's  Church  of  Ireland,  p.  297. 


Io6  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

the  fact  may,  I  think,  be  found  in  intercourse 
between  Roman  Christian  soldiers  and  inhabit- 
ants of  our  island — perhaps  through  marriage  be- 
tween the  foreigners  and  natives.  We  shall  soon 
see  that  at  a  council  in  the  fourth  century  three 
British  bishops  took  part. 

With  regard  to  population  in  different  countries 
touched  by  Christianity,  it  is  interesting  to  discover 
lower  and  upper  grades.  The  poor  had  the  Gospel 
preached  to  them,  and  multitudes  destitute  of  life's 
comforts  found  consolation  in  Christian  promises ; 
also,  it  may  be  noticed  that  in  the  reign  of  Decius 
believers  at  Rome  included  people  of  wealth,  "  that 
vessels  of  gold  and  silver  were  used  in  religious 
worship,  and  that  many  proselytes  sold  their  lands 
and  houses  to  increase  the  public  riches  of  the 
sect."  So  writes  the  historian  Gibbon,  adding  as 
censure,  unsupported  by  evidence,  that  liberality  to 
the  Church  was  bestowed  at  the  expense  of  poor 
relatives.^ 

If  we  take  a  modern  map  of  the  globe,  and  include 
in  our  idea  of  the  world  all  the  continents  and  islands 
of  the  two  hemispheres,  the  enumeration  of  countries 
touched  by  the  Gospel   in  the  first  three  centuries 

1  Decline  a?td  Fall  (Milman's  edition),  i.,  p.  503. 


Ch.  V]  DIFFUSION  OF  CHRISTIANITY  107 

may  seem  a  scanty  result ;  but  when  compared  with 
the  h'mited  knowledge  of  the  earth's  surface  at  that 
period,  the  impression  we  receive  is  very  different. 
Take  Claudius  Ptolemy's  map  of  the  world  in  the 
second  century.  It  is  limited  to  the  eastern  half. 
There  is  no  America  at  all ;  and  little  is  seen  of 
Africa  beyond  strips  on  the  Mediterranean  shores. 
The  Indian  Ocean  is  a  waste  of  unknown  waters  ; 
and  India  itself  is  little  more  than  a  teiTa  incognita, 
to  which  writers  in  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries 
refer  in  a  blundering  way.  No  distinct  indication 
of  China  appears.  The  northern  part  of  Europe  is 
quite  obscure  ;  in  fact,  the  Roman  and  Greek 
empires  make  up  the  known  world.  When  wc 
compare  all  this  with  the  spread  of  Christian  preach- 
ing within  the  first  three  centuries,  wc  cannot  but 
exclaim,  "  What  hath  God  wrought !  " 


CHAPTER   VI 

PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM 

AS  to  charges  against  primitive  Christians,  hght 
is  thrown  by  accusations  levelled  at  Socrates. 
He  was  accused  of  weaning  children  from  parents, 
inspiring  people  with  a  conceit  of  their  superior 
wisdom,  and  thus  undermining  sentiments  of  filial 
duty  and  loyal  submission.  He  was  further  charged 
with  political  as  well  as  religious  innovation,  with 
discrediting  the  constitution  of  their  country,  and  dis- 
honouring the  gods  of  Greece.  Also  unfair  citations 
were  made  from  his  oral  teaching,  construed  as  being 
adverse  to  the  State.  Moreover,  when  brought  before 
his  judges,  he  made  no  defence,  and  did  not  desire 
to  be  acquitted.  To  crown  all,  his  enemies  were 
exasperated  by  his  claiming  to  fulfil  a  Divine  mission.^ 

'  All  these  particulars  are  abundantly  illustrated  in  Grote's 
History  of  Greece,  vol.  viii.,  new  edit.,  pp.  273,  281, 

108 


Ch.  VI]  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  109 

Somewhat  parallel  to  these  charges  were  those 
brought  against  primitive  Christians.  They  were 
accused  of  abandoning  ancestral  customs,  of  dis- 
honouring domestic  piety,  and  of  rebelling  against 
laws  of  the  land.  Doctrines  inculcated  by  them 
were  construed  as  disloyal  and  antisocial — words 
being  torn  from  their  original  connection.  When 
arraigned  before  their  judges,  those  accused  were 
silent  or  only  made  a  confession  of  faith,  not  desir- 
ing acquittal.  This  limited  parallel,  which  I  have 
ventured  to  suggest,  relates  to  persecutors  rather  than 
victims.  In  most  cases,  the  animus  which  moved  the 
former  was  hatred  of  goodness  seen  in  the  latter. 
Intellectually,  no  comparison  is  possible  between 
the  marvellously  gifted  Athenian  and  the  mentally 
commonplace  character  of  most  primitive  believers  ; 
but  how  far  above  the  philosophy  of  the  Greek  sage 
rose  the  truths  which  strengthened  and  comforted 
Christian  sufferers ! 

What  I  have  now  stated  by  no  means  fully  explains 
the  cause  of  persecution.  Roman  authority  came  into 
collision  with  Christianity  partly  on  political  grounds. 
Christ  said,  "  I  am  a  King,"  "  My  kingdom  is  not  of 
this  world."  This  was  a  claim  which,  when  known, 
was  likely  to  rouse  Roman  jealousy  and  antagonism. 
At  first,  in  Trajan's  time,  it  does  not  seem  to  have 


no  LIGHTS    AND   SHADOWS   OF   CHRISTENDOM     [Part  I 

done  so  ;  but  afterwards  it  did,  especially  when 
Diocletian  occupied  the  throne.  Prevalent  supersti- 
tion also  for  some  time  kindled  a  flame  to  consume 
the  Church.  Priests,  and  poets  in  service  to  heathen- 
ism, could  not  but  regard  those  who  denounced  their 
gods,  and  said,  "  An  idol  is  nothing  in  the  world," 
as  coming  into  destructive  collision  with  their  cause. 
Nor  did  Pagan  philosophy  prove,  in  many  ways, 
otherwise  than  inimical.  F'irst  it  looked  on  the 
Gospel  with  disdain  ;  afterwards  it  endeavoured  to 
dig  up  its  foundations. 

It  is  impossible  to  study,  on  the  one  hand, 
Christianity  as  it  really  is  according  to  Scripture, 
and  as  it  came  actually  to  be  through  its  con- 
verting power,  and,  on  the  other  hand,  imperial 
pretensions,  claiming  mastery  over  mankind,  with- 
out foresight  that  the  two  forces  would  come  into 
collision.  Neither  could  be  consistent  with  itself, 
without  being  antagonistic  to  the  other.  The 
Empire  embodied  an  idea  of  nationality,  and  was 
responsible  for  maintaining  unity  of  interest,  pur- 
pose, and  endeavour.  Sympathy  in  the  worship 
of  Pagan  gods,  who  for  ages  had  been  adored  in 
Rome,  appeared  essential  to  the  realisation  of  im- 
perial ideas.  How  could  it  be  endured  to  sec  the 
worship  of  Jesus  taking  the  place  of  what  had  been 


Ch.  VI]  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  1 1 1 

paid  to  Jupiter,  "  father  of  gods  and  men  "  ?  One 
can  understand  how  Roman  rulers  would  regard  such 
a  change.  People  of  other  nations  could  be  tolerated 
in  the  honours  paid  to  their  ancient  deities,  but  it  was 
quite  another  thing  to  allow  enthusiasts  to  propagate 
sentiments  of  a  kind  calculated  to  revolutionise  Roman 
society.  Had  Christians  formed  a  nationality,  and 
only  asked  for  such  freedom  as  was  conceded  to 
other  races,  the  case  would  have  been  different. 

Rome  subordinated  religion  to  imperialism  ;  Chris- 
tianity regarded  religion  as  above  what  is  political. 
While  Roman  citizens  remained  Pagan,  their  govern- 
ment would  inevitably  clash  with  the  Church. 
Christians  did  not  rebel  against  imperial  authority 
in  civil  affairs,  but  they  could  not  sacrifice  their 
consciences  to  political  rule.  There  existed  between 
the  two  parties  incompatibility,  which  could  cease 
only  under  a  policy  of  toleration. 

Pliny  was  ruler  of  Bithynia  Pontus,  and  his  famous 
letter  referring  to  provincial  persecution  is  a  con- 
temporary evidence  of  State  warfare  against  the 
Gospel.  This  letter  is  assigned  to  different  dates  ; 
the  latest  is  A.D.  iii. 

Nero  was  an  enemy  to  Christians,  and  after  the 
great  fire  in  Rome,  while  he  was  emperor,  his  Majesty 
is   said  to  have   accused    them    of  kindling   it,  and 


112   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  1 

caused  Christians,  covered  with  pitch,  to  be  set  on 
fire,  that  their  blazing  bodies  might  illuminate  his 
palace  gardens.  Without  attempting  to  explain  the 
incident,  I  quote  the  statement  by  Clement  of 
Rome,  that  the  Apostles  Peter  and  Paul  were,  at 
that  time,  martyrs  for  Christ,  and  "  gathered  around 
them  a  multitude  of  the  elect,  who  set  a  glorious 
example."  "  Whether  they  were  martyred  at  the 
same  time  with  the  great  bulk  of  the  sufferers  in 
the  year  of  the  fire  (a.D.  64),  or  whether  they  were 
isolated  victims  of  the  spent  wave  of  persecution 
(a.D.  6y  or  68),  we  need  not  stop  to  inquire."  ^ 

All  the  succeeding  emperors  did  not  follow  Nero's 
example.  Hadrian  (A.D.  113 — 137)  is  described  as 
"  tolerant,  eclectic,  inquiring  "  ;  Antoninus  Pius  (A.D. 
138 — 161)  as  "loving  righteousness  and  mercy." 
Marcus  Aurelius  (A.D.  161  — 180)  is  spoken  of  as 
acquitting  those  against  whom  there  was  no  charge 
but  that  of  Christianity. 

Early  in  the  second  century  a  perpetual  edict 
appeared,  that  in  all  places  people  should  follow 
Roman  customs — a  law  which  might  be  construed  to 
mean  they  must  conform  to  religious  as  well  as 
civil  institutes.     Also,  it   is   to  be  remembered,  that 

'  Lightfoot's  Clement  0/ Rome,  i.,  p.  351. 


Ch.  VI]  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  113 

Justin  Martyr,  in  his  second  Apology,  speaks  of 
recent  severe  persecution  ;  and  before  the  close  of 
the  second  century  there  were  martyrdoms  in  Gaul. 
Under  Decius  (a.d.  249 — 251)  an  outburst  of  per- 
secuting fury  occurred,  and  torments  were  inflicted 
on  professors  of  the  Gospel. 

Gallienus,  when  left  sole  emperor  in  A.D.  261, 
extinguished  a  persecution  which  Valerian,  his 
predecessor,  had  commenced.  Aurelian,  who  reigned 
from  A.D.  270  to  275,  has  been  represented  as 
planning  a  destructive  attack  on  the  Christian 
Church,'  but  there  is  no  convincing  proof  of  par- 
ticulars. That  he  was  cruel  and  disliked  Christianity 
is  probable.  Eusebius  says,  in  the  progress  of 
Aurelian's  reign,  "  he  began  to  cherish  different  senti- 
ments with  regard  to  us,  from  those  he  had  done."  ^ 

In  the  reign  of  Decius,  people  were  required  to 
testify  that  they  adhered  to  the  national  worship  by 
offering  sacrifices,  and  partaking  of  banquets  in 
honour  of  the  gods.  Commissioners  were  appointed 
to  carry  out  the  edict,  and  some  people,  from  fear, 
forsook  the  faith.  They  obtained  certificates  of 
apostacy,   and    one    of    these   documents   has    been 

'  See  Ro77ie  atid  the  Early  Christians^  by  the  Rev.  W.  Ware 
Published  in  America. 
-  Eusebius,  Eccl.  Hist.,  vii.,  30. 

8 


114  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

lately  published.^  It  attests  that  "  a  man  of  seventy- 
two,  with  a  scar  on  his  right  eyebrow,  had  sacrificed 
and  poured  out  libations."  People  who  had  yielded 
to  persecution  thus  sheltered  themselves.  After 
persecution  ceased  some  of  this  class  sought  re- 
storation to  Church  privileges  by  submitting  to  pre- 
scribed penance.  Penitential  rules  were  laid  down 
for  the  purpose.  Those  who  suffered  and  survived 
persecution  won  the  admiration  of  their  brethren,  and 
sometimes,  by  supplication  on  behalf  of  the  fallen, 
secured  their  restoration  to  fellowship,  or  mitigated 
severities  of  discipline.  This  influence  was  some- 
times abused  on  the  part  of  those  who  employed 
and  those  who  were  relieved  by  such  intercession. 

An  edict  of  Diocletian  (a.D.  303)  threatened  the 
total  destruction  of  Christianity.  Churches  were  to 
be  pulled  down  and  Scriptures  burnt.  Eusebius  tells 
us  :  "  We  saw  with  our  own  eyes  houses  of  prayer 
destroyed  ;  also  Holy  Scriptures  cast  into  the  flames. 
The  shepherds  of  the  people  were  captured,  and 
made  the  sport  of  enemies.  We  shall  not  mention 
those  who  were  shaken  by  persecution  and  sunk  into 

1  This  is  stated  on  the  authority  of  an  article  by  Professor 
Harnack  in  the  Theologische  Literaturzeitung,  1894,  No.  2.  See 
Lactantius,  De  Mozt,  cc.  15,  16,  34;  and  Eusebius,  H.  E.,  viii., 
6.  8. 


Ch.  VIJ  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  115 

the  depths  of  watery  gulfs.  Here  was  one  scourged 
with  rods,  another  tormented  on  the  rack.  People 
were  dragged  a  long  distance  by  the  feet."  The 
historian  speaks  of  "  illustrious  martyrs  who  filled 
every  place  with  the  celebrity  of  their  names,  and 
obtained  crowns  of  martyrdom."  Sufferers  in 
Egypt,  Phenicia,  Thebes,  Alexandria,  and  Phrygia 
are  mentioned  in  harrowing  detail.^ 

To  the  last  heathen  emperors  believed  in  the 
efficacy  of  persecution,  and  an  inscription  is  copied 
by  Gruter  in  his  Corpus  Inscriptorium  to  that  effect. 

Of  the  noble  army  of  martyrs  I  begin  with 
Ignatius.  This  saintly  man  is  supposed  to  be  noticed 
by  Lucian,  in  one  of  his  satires,  as  a  prisoner  in  Syria, 
to  whom  Christians  of  Asia  Minor  sent  money,  and 
who  wrote  letters  to  important  cities,  forwarding  them 
by  persons  whom  Lucian  mockingly  calls  "  messengers 
of  the  dead."  The  epistles  of  Ignatius,  written  after 
his  being  condemned  to  death,  contain,  with  numerous 
spiritual  exhortations,  expressions  of  his  own  ex- 
perience— as  glorying  in  the  Cross,  as  not  worthy  to  be 
called  a  Bishop,  as  full  of  love  for  those  to  whom  he 
wrote,  and  as  fired  with  passionate  zeal  for  his  Saviour. 

Paul  said  :   "  I    am   already  being  offered,  and  the 


*  Eccl.  Hist,  viii. 


Ii6  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

time  of  my  departure  is  come.  I  have  fought  the 
good  fight,  I  have  finished  the  course,  I  have  kept 
the  faith  ;  henceforth  there  is  laid  up  for  me  the 
crown  of  righteousness,  which  the  Lord,  the  righteous 
Judge,  shall  give  me  at  that  day ;  and  not  only  to 
me,  but  also  to  all  them  that  have  loved  His  appear- 
ing." Ignatius  goes  beyond  this,  and,  in  a  different 
tone,  craves  after  martyrdom,  longing  to  be  devoured 
by  lions.  This  feeling  seems  to  have  been  not  un- 
common with  primitive  believers.  We  are  anxious 
to  do  them  justice,  but  it  must  be  admitted  that 
some  things  which  we  cannot  approve  mingled  with 
others  worthy  of  renown.  A  soldier  in  battle,  often 
in  almost  suicidal  ways,  rushes  on  hostile  bayonets, 
yet  we  do  not,  on  that  account,  withhold  the  meed 
of  honour.  We  praise  patriotism  and  pardon  rash- 
ness. Shall  we,  then,  coldly  criticise  these  early 
heroes,  and  fail  to  appreciate  their  wonderful  en- 
durance ?  They  have  produced  effects  on  after 
times  ;  and  we  may  well  send  up  a  prayer-song  to 
the  Captain  of  Salvation,  who  "  was  made  perfect 
through  suffering," — 

"Great  Chief  of  faithful  souls,  arise! 
None  else  can  lead  the  martyr-band, 
Who  teach  the  brave  how  peril  flies, 
When  faith,  unarmed,  lifts  up  the  hand." 


Ch.  VI]  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  117 

The  Martyrdom  of  Ignatius,  professedly  written 
by  those  who  accompanied  him  on  his  voyage  to 
Rome,  is  considered  by  some  not  trustworthy  ;  but 
there  is  no  reason  at  all  for  doubting  that  the  bishop 
was  thrown  to  wild  beasts  in  the  newly  built  Coliseum 
at  Rome.  He  died  in  the  reign  of  the  Emperor 
Trajan,  who  ascended  the  throne  in  A.D.  98.^ 

Next  in  celebrity  comes  the  martyrdom  of  Polycarp 
under  the  Emperor  Decius.  A  note,  of  no  authority, 
attached  to  a  letter,  purporting  to  be  written  by  the 
Church  of  which  he  was  bishop,  states  that  he  was 
executed  "  on  the  second  of  the  month  Xanthicus,  the 
seventh  before  the  Calends  of  March  (or  May),  on  a 
great  Sabbath,  at  the  eighth  hour."  It  is  suspicious 
that  dates  in  early  Church  history  become  more 
precise  as  time  rolls  on.  Polycarp  was  Bishop  of 
Smyrna,  a  city  more  populous  in  our  time  than  it 
was  in  his.  Now  it  sweeps  along  the  Mediterranean 
beach,  in  a  line  of  French-looking  shops  and  ware- 
houses, full  of  European  commerce,  opening  into  an 
Oriental  town  of  mosques  and  Turkish  dwellings, 
backed  by  thick  groups  of  cypress   trees.     Then  it 

'  Much  has  been  said  of  numerous  Christians  devoured  by 
wild  beasts  in  the  Coliseum.  Legends  refer  to  them,  but  I  have 
sought  in  vain  for  plain  historical  evidence  of  any  other  instance 
than  that  of  Ignatius. 


Il8  LIGHTS   AND   SHADOWS   OF   CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

must  have  been  very  different  from  what  it  is  now  ; 
though  heavy  calamities — which  have  often  occurred 
in  our  time — were,  eighteen  hundred  years  ago,  its 
melancholy  lot ;  for  a  contemporary  of  Polycarp 
speaks  of  it  as  visited  by  plague,  fire,  and  earthquake, 
"  its  stately  houses  overturned,  its  temples  ruined." 

An  account  of  Polycarp's  last  days,  which  some 
regard  as  a  writing  of  later  date  founded  on  tradition, 
has  in  it  some  miraculous  occurrences — a  feature 
which  appears  in  most  martyrologies  of  the  primitive 
age  written  years  afterwards.  Eusebius,  in  his 
Ecclesiastical  History,  Vv'ho  has  much  to  say  about 
Polycarp,  gives  the  substance  of  it. 

He  tells  us  how  the  venerable  martyr,  when  the 
persecution  broke  out,  remained  unmoved,  but  was 
persuaded  by  his  friends  to  retire  to  a  farmhouse 
outside  the  city ;  how  his  pursuers  caught  a  couple  of 
boys  and  made  them  show  the  way  to  that  retreat ; 
how  he  received  these  men  in  an  upper  room,  saying, 
"  The  will  of  the  Lord  be  done,"  and  then  offered 
them  refreshment ;  and  how,  when  taken  to  the 
Stadium  or  amphitheatre,  and  urged  to  forswear  the 
Saviour,  he  exclaimed,  "  Eighty  and  six  years  have 
I  served  Him,  and  He  never  did  me  wrong,  and  how 
can  I  now  blaspheme  my  King  ?  I  am  a  Christian." 
He  was  first  threatened  to   be  torn   by  wild  beasts, 


Ch.Vl]  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  I19 

and  next  to  be  burnt  alive — a  fate  which  followed. 
When  the  crowd  seized  wood  and  straw  from  shops 
and  baths  to  feed  the  flames,  he  loosed  his  girdle, 
laid  by  his  clothes,  and  prepared  to  take  off  his 
shoes,  but  he  refused  to  be  fastened  to  the  stake. 
Clasping  his  hands,  he  offered  this  prayer  :  "  Father 
of  Thy  well-beloved  and  blessed  Son,  Jesus  Christ, 
through  whom  we  have  received  the  knowledge  of 
Thee,  the  God  of  angels  and  powers,  of  all  creation, 
and  the  family  of  the  righteous,  that  live  before  Thee, 
I  bless  Thee,  that  Thou  hast  thought  me  worthy  to 
share  in  the  number  of  the  martyrs,  and  in  the  cup 
of  Christ,  unto  the  resurrection  of  eternal  life.  On 
this  account  and  for  all  things  I  praise  Thee,  I  bless 
Thee,  I  glorify  Thee,  through  the  eternal  Priest, 
Jesus  Christ,  Thy  well-beloved  Son,  through  whom 
glory  be  to  Thee,  with  Him,  in  the  Holy  Ghost,  both 
now  and  for  ever.     Amen."  ^ 

The  spot  where  he  suffered  is  outside  the  city,  in 
the  hollow  of  hills,  commanding  a  view  of  the  azure 


1  Abridged  from  Eusebius,  iv.,  c.  15.  Dr.  Lightfoot,  referring 
to  the  record  of  incidents  in  the  document,  which  he  considers 
a  contemporary  one,  remarks  :  "  The  simplicity  with  which  the 
narrator  records  omens  and  occurrences  easily  explicable  in 
themselves,  but  invested  by  their  surcharged  feelings  with  a 
miraculous  character,  is  highly  natural  "  {Essays  onStipcrnatural 


I20  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

Mediterranean,  skirted  by  mountains,  and  enlivened 
by  ships. 

Eusebius — after  showing  how  Justin  Martyr  suffered, 
and  after  mentioning  martyrs  who  died  before  him 
— proceeds  to  give  the  trials  of  those  who  suffered  for 
their  faith  in  Gaul.  That  Christianity  reached  this 
province  from  the  East,  at  a  very  early  period, 
traditions  and  monuments  sufficiently  prove.  Roman 
civilisation  had  preceded  and  given  proofs  of  imperial 
power  ;  yet  other  mementoes  betokening  a  connection 
with  Churches  of  Eastern  Christendom  show  that,  not 
from  Italy,  but  from  Asia  Minor,  the  Gospel  was  first 
carried  to  Greek  colonies  west  of  the  Mediterranean. 
Inhabitants  of  Lyons  and  the  neighbourhood  were 
amongst  the  earliest  converts  in  that  part  of  the 
world  ;  and  traditionary  annals  of  Churches  there 
are  filled  with  accounts  of  martyrs.  These  supply 
materials  for  one  of  the  most  interesting  chapters  of 
Eusebius — the  first  of  the  Fifth  Book.  "  Two  chief 
cities,"  he  says,  "  surpassing  all  the  rest,  were  Lyons 


Religion,  p.  103).  That  the  record  is  not  a  forgery,  Dr.  Light- 
foot  proves  most  satisfactorily.  The  story  that  a  dove  flew  out 
of  the  wounded  body  is  wanting  in  Eusebius,  and  in  some  MSS. 
of  the  original  Matiyrdow.  Such  a  marvel  would  be  imnatural 
indeed !  Imagination,  under  the  circumstances,  would  add 
something  to  real  facts. 


Ch.  VI]  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  121 

and  Vienne."     Lyons,  with  its  commercial  enterprise, 
its  crowded  population,  and  its  public  buildings,  is 
known    by   almost   everybody   nowadays  ;   yet   how 
many  travellers  pass   by  the  neighbouring  town    of 
Vienne,  with  its  glass  houses  and  metal  foundries,  its 
coal  pits  and  smoke,  without  feeling  any  interest  in 
the  place  !     But  Vienne  took  precedence  of  Lyons  in 
the  second  century,  and  there  it  was  that  a  flourishing 
Church   existed.      The   amphitheatre — scene   of  the 
martyrdom,  described  by  Eusebius — is  found,  from  ex- 
cavations, to  have  been  a  building  of  great  magnitude. 
It  is  interesting  to  recollect,  that  when  the  heroism 
described    by   the   historian    aroused   the   hatred    of 
heathens,  and  inspired  the  admiration  of  Christians, 
the  hilly  banks  of  the  Rhone  were  fair  and  beautiful, 
clothed  with  verdure  and  rich   in  fruitfulness.     One 
heroine,  in  the  sufferings  she  endured  and  the  fame 
she  won,  surpasses  the  rest,  and  of  her  Eusebius  gives 
an  affecting  description. 

Blandina,^  a  maiden  slave,  whilst  all  were  trembling, 
and  her  mistress  was  a  martyr,  feared  that,  through 
weakness,  she  would  fail  in  her  confession,  but  she  was 
filled  with  such  power  that  her  tormentors  acknow- 
ledged themselves  overcome.     "  On  the  last  day  of 

'  Eusebius,  Ecd.  Hisi.,  v.,  c,  i. 


122  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

the  shows,  Blandina  was  brought  out  with  a  youth, 
Ponticus,  about  fifteen  years  old."     After   scourging 
and  exposure  to  the  wild  beasts,  she  was  confined  in 
a  net  and  tossed  by  a  bull.     It  is  confessed  that  no 
woman   amongst   the  persecuted    had    ever   endured 
such  sufferings.     Extracts  from   original    documents 
dwell  upon  the  savage  conduct  of  the  persecutors  with 
agonising  minuteness,  and  outbursts  of  indignation 
occur,  which  we  do  not  wonder  at.     We  are  neverthe- 
less told  that  the  persecuted   prayed   for  those  who 
were   bitter    in    their   hostility.     The  passage  occurs 
in  a  chapter  entitled  "  Those  that  had    fallen    away 
kindly  restored  by  the  pious  martyrs,"  from  which  I 
gather   that  what   follows    must  refer  to   some  who 
shrank    back  at  first   and    then   recovered   fortitude. 
The  narrative  becomes  rather  confused  :  towards  the 
close,  however,  it  is  said  of  the  valiant  ones,  "  They 
did    not   arrogate   any   superiority   over   backsliders, 
but  the  things  wherein  they  excelled  supplied  what 
was  deficient  in  others."  ^ 

Another  female  martyr  is  well  known.  Her  name 
was  Perpetua,  and  she  is  considered,  by  modern 
authorities,  to  have  suffered  under  Septimius  Severus  ; 
but  the  date  cannot  be  determined.     A  framework  of 

*  Eccl.  Hist.,  v.,  c.  2. 


Ch.  VI]  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  123 

legend  rather  than  history,  including  visions  of  some 
poetical  beauty,  has  grown  up  around  her  name.     No 
doubt  can  be  felt  respecting  the  reality  of  her  martyr- 
dom ;  and,  taking  "  The  Acts  "  recording  her  sufferings 
and  death  as  so  far  trustworthy,  she  was  a  youthful 
wife  who  had  just  given  birth  to  a  child,  and  who,  on 
that  account,  as  well  as  others,  was  entreated  to  save 
her  life  by  renouncing  her  faith.     But  she   remained 
firm,  and   died  under  the  executioner's  hand.     She 
was  a  native  of  Carthage,  and  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  that  city  sealed  the  .truth  with  her  life.     Symphori- 
nus   was   another    Galilean   martyr,  who  suffered   at 
Autun  under  Marcus  Aurelius,  according  to  Gregory 
of  Tours.^      His  story  is  amplified  by  Ruinart  and 
others. 

Of  the  martyrdom  of  Cyprian  we  have  few  details. 
His  life  prepared  him  for  death ;  his  death  glorified 
his  life.  When  persecution  came,  in  A.D.  257,  Cyprian 
prudently  retired  from  publicity,  till  he  felt  the  cause 
he  loved  recalled  him  to  the  front.  His  execution 
was  the  result.  Soldiers  surrounded  his  garden.  The 
report  spread  that  he  was  seized.  It  is  sufficient  to 
say,  that  when  the  magistrate  pronounced  sentence, 
"  Our  pleasure  is  that  Thascius  Cyprianus  be  executed 

^  Illst,  ii.,  15. 


124  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

by  the  sword,"  the  victim  answered,  "  Thanks  be  to 
God."  ^ 

The  patience  of  the  martyrs,  and  their  behaviour 
towards  those  who  inflicted  upon  them  horrible  cruel- 
ties, are  beyond  all  praise.  Few  attempted  to  escape  : 
indeed,  in  some  instances,  as  already  suggested,  martyr- 
dom was  eagerly  sought  ;  Christians  neither  resisted 
persecution  nor  resented  injustice,  but  prayed  for  their 
murderers.  Arnobius,  in  his  Seven  Books  "  adversus 
Gentes,"  writes  :  "  Since  we  have  learned  from  Christ's 
teaching,  that  evil  ought  not  to  be  requited  with 
evil,  that  it  is  better  to  suffer  wrong  than  to  inflict 
it,  that  we  should  rather  shed  our  own,  than  stain  our 
consciences  with  another's  blood,  an  unthankful  world 
is  now  enjoying  a  benefit  from  Christ,  inasmuch  as, 
through  Him,  ferocity  has  been  softened  and  has 
withheld  its  hand  from  a  fellow-creature."  Arnobius 
wrote  this  in  the  early  part  of  the  fourth  century, 
probably  A.D.  303.  Lactantius,  a  pupil  of  Arnobius, 
has  left  a  tract  on  "  The  Death  of  Persecutors,"  in 
which  he  points  out  the  untimely  end  of  those 
emperors  who  had  manifested  a  hatred  of  Christianity, 
painting  their  characters,  however  truly,  after  a  spirit 
and  manner  not  in  keeping  with  that  of  Arnobius.     I 

'  Short  Life  by  his  Deacon,  Pontius. 


Ch.  VI]  PERSECUTION  AND  HEROISM  1 25 

may  add,  that  the  tone  of  feeling  manifested  in  the 
genuine  Catacomb  inscriptions,  is  in  harmony  with 
the  sentiment  expressed  by  Arnobius. 

The  heroism  of  which  I  have  spoken  often  reached 
a  pitch  of  endurance  which  makes  one's  blood  run 
chill.  It  defied  fire  and  steel,  faggot  and  sword,  and, 
what  seem  worse,  pincers  tearing  the  flesh,  and  the 
deadly  gaze  of  a  lion's  eyes,  as  he  paused  to  leap  on 
his  helpless  prey.  There  was  a  calm  steady  faith 
which  saw  Him  who  is  invisible,  an  intensity  of  feeling 
which  benumbed  physical  agony — a  subjugation  of 
body,  demonstrating  a  mastery  of  soul.  It  is  plain, 
from  what  we  read  in  details  given  by  Eusebius,  that 
martyrs  in  their  final  conflict  were  in  a  state  above 
that  of  common  mortals.  Miracles  they  did  not 
wonder  at — such  things  seemed  to  them  matters  of 
course  ;  if  they  really  did  not  exist,  that  made  no 
diff'erence  in  their  apprehension.  I  think  this 
explains  a  good  deal  that  we  meet  with  in  old 
martyrologies. 

The  number  of  martyrs  in  the  ante-Nicene  period 
is  a  contested  point,  magnified,  no  doubt,  in 
Church  Martyrology,  and  minimised  unjustly  by 
Dodwell  and  Gibbon  ;  what  makes  calculation  un- 
satisfactory is,  that  Eusebius,  whilst  he  mentions 
certain    sufferers   individually,   indicates   there   were 


126  LIGHTS   AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  1 

more,  without  suggesting  how  many.  The  inscrip- 
tions and  remains  in  the  Catacombs  lead  to  no  reliable 
conclusions.^ 

1  I  do  not  know  any  book  in  which  there  is  a  more  dis- 
passionate inquiry  into  the  extent  of  early  persecutions  than 
Maitland's  Church  of  the  Catacombs.  He  judiciously  takes  up 
the  question  as  to  the  restoration  of  the  lapsed  at  Carthage 
(see  pp.  93-117) ;  as  to  Catacomb  inscriptions  (see  pp.  127-34), 
and  the  poetry  of  Prudentius  on  the  martyrs  (146-50).  He 
justly  remarks  respecting  tales  afterwards  told  that  "  in  them 
every  principle  of  probability  is  violated :  between  them  and 
the  authentic  records  of  martyrdom  there  exists  not  the  slightest 
analogy"  (p.  154). 


PART    II 


CHAPTER    I 
CHURCH  AND    STATE    UNDER    CONSTANTINE 

IN  the  year  A.D.  312 — as  Eusebius,  twenty  years 
afterwards,  learned  from  his  Majesty — one  day, 
about  noon,  a  luminous  cross  appeared  in  the  sky  to 
Constantine,  with  the  inscription  "  By  iJiis  conquer "  ; 
and  afterwards  he  had  a  dream,  in  which  Christ 
appeared  with  the  same  sign,  and  commanded  him 
to  use  it  as  the  emblem  on  his  standard.  There 
is  no  reason  to  regard  this  story  as  a  fable,  or  as 
something  miraculous.  Perhaps  at  the  time  he  did 
see  something  which  he  thus  interpreted,  and  had  a 
dream,  in  accordance  with  it  ;  but  it  is  remarkable 
this  story  remained  a  secret,  and  was  not  related 
till  long  afterwards,  Eusebius,  who  communicates 
it,  adds,  the  sight  struck  the  army  with  amazement, 
implying  that  his  soldiers,  like  himself,  witnessed  the 
marvel.  It  is  not  improbable  that  other  influences 
predisposed  him  to  adopt  Christianity  ;  for  it  appears 

9 


130    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  11 

that,  through  his  own  reflections,  he  saw  polytheism 
was  foolish  and  false.  Probably  conversation  with 
the  clergy  deepened  this  conviction.  However,  Con- 
stantine's  life  after  he  professed  Christianity  was  not 
such  as  to  interpret  his  conversion,  according  to  the 
strict  meaning  of  that  term.  He  built  churches,  and 
did  what  he  could  to  promote  religious  uniformity, 
but  his  memory  is  laden  with  charges  of  crime. 

Early  in  his  reign,  an  ecclesiastical  council  was 
held  at  Aries,  where  three  episcopal  representatives 
from  Britain  were  present  ;  and  the  chief  point 
discussed  was  the  proper  time  for  keeping  Easter, 
Western  Churches  then  differing  from  the  Oriental 
in  that  respect.  The  British  now  agreed  to  adopt 
the  Roman  practice. 

In  312  Constantine  issued  an  edict  of  toleration 
which  protected  Christians  from  being  persecuted ; 
and  places  of  worship  previously  closed  were  allowed 
to  be  used.  At  the  same  time  ecclesiastical  property 
was  applied  to  its  original  purpose.  Christians  who 
had  been  banished  returned  to  their  homes  ;  martyrs' 
goods  were  restored  to  their  families;  churches  and 
cemeteries  were  returned  to  their  proper  owners,  and 
subjects  of  the  empire  were  exhorted  to  worship 
the  true  God.  About  the  same  time  Constantine 
published  An  Oration  on  Idolatry,  m  which  he  granted 


Ch.  I]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTINE    131 

what  would  be  called  religious  liberty.  "  Let  every 
one  do  what  his  soul  desires,"  was  the  imperial 
exhortation.  Amongst  particular  laws  enacted  by 
Constantine,  special  notice  has  been  taken  of  one 
forbidding  that  shops  and  courts  of  law  should  be 
opened  on  the  first  day  of  the  week — a  fact  to  which 
relieious  motives  have  been  attached.  It  would  be 
gratefully  welcomed  by  Christian  people,  and  showed 
that  the  Emperor  had  respect  for  their  religion  ;  but 
we  must  not  be  too  hasty  in  determining  the  motives 
which  influenced  this  legislative  policy.  At  all  events, 
a  new  holiday  would  be  popular  with  most  people. 

We  meet  at  that  crisis  with  a  troublesome,  unruly 
sect,  which  increased  in  numbers  as  time  rolled  on, 
known  as  Donatists  from  their  leader  Donatus. 
Notices  of  them  are  abundant  in  the  Church  histories 
of  the  period,  but  what  we  learn  concerning  them  is 
chiefly  from  those  who  were  their  opponents.  Their 
taking  up  arms  in  self-defence,  on  professedly  re- 
ligious grounds,  is  a  fact  the  full  treatment  of 
which  involves  questions  leading  to  discussions 
beyond  the  limits  of  this  work.^ 

'  I  think  that  Archdeacon  Farrar  is  just  when  he  says  :  ''  The 
Donatists  began  as  rigid  Evangehcals,  they  ended  as  ruthless 
brigands  ;  the  CathoUcs  began  as  tolerant  Churchmen,  and  ended 
as  bitter  Catholics." — Lives  of  the  Fathers^  ii.,  p.  52. 


132    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

Constantine  spent  a  large  part  of  his  reign  in  the 
East ;  there,  it  is  said,  tragical  events  in  his  family- 
occurred  ;  and  there  he  divided  his  dominions 
between  his  sons.  In  337  he  completed  and  dedi- 
cated the  Church  of  the  Holy  Apostles  in  his  Eastern 
capital.  About  the  same  time  he  ordered  the  sign  of 
the  cross  to  be  engraved  on  his  military  shields,  and 
prohibited  profane  mysteries  and  gladiatorial  combats. 
Best  of  all,  he  caused  a  multiplication  of  books 
containing  sacred  Scriptures, 

One  of  his  last  acts  was  to  submit  to  baptism. 
Eusebius  informs  us  his  death  was  mourned  at  Rome, 
but  does  not  mention  any  royal  visit  there  during  his 
latter  years.  The  baptistery  at  the  Lateran  is  falsely 
ascribed  to  him,  unless  it  means  a  bequest  of  money 
for  the  purpose,  as  the  edifice  was  not  built  till  about 
a  century  after  his  decease.  In  truth.  Church  tradi- 
tions, unsupported  by  historical  facts,  have  largely 
influenced  Roman  beliefs  on  the  subject.  Much 
which  is  reported,  as  to  what  he  did  for  the  Vatican 
and  for  St.  Peter's,  is  without  sufficient  foundation, 

I  may  here  add,  the  exact  attitude  of  his  mind 
towards  theological  doctrine  it  is  difficult  to  discover  ; 
at  first  he  treated  the  Arian  controversy  as  of  little 
consequence,  and  his  subsequent  conduct  indicated 
waverings  of  opinion.     His  sister  Constantia  leaned 


Ch.  I]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTINE   133 

to  the  heterodox  side,  and  she  persuaded  him  to  recall 
Arius  from  exile.  When  Athanasius  refused  to  ac- 
knowledge the  heretic  at  Alexandria,  his  Majesty 
banished  that  orthodox  bishop  to  Gaul. 

The  main  ecclesiastical  incident  in  his  reign  is  the 
Council  of  Nicea,  and  to  this  we  must  now  direct 
attention. 

Here  we  reach  an  unprecedented  era.  There 
had  been  controversy  between  heretics  and  champions 
of  truth  prepared  to  man  the  walls  against  foreign 
foes.  Now  we  touch  a  period  when  strife  comes  to 
the  front,  and  the  Arian  controversy  creates  an 
excitement  such  as  it  had  never  done  before.  At 
the  same  time  other  theological  questions  are  seen 
coming  up ;  and  after  the  union  between  Church 
and  State  had  taken  place,  questions  arose  requiring 
study  on  the  subject.  How  far  they  were  appre- 
hended is  by  no  means  plain. 

Different  tendencies  of  thought  obtained  in  antc- 
Niccne  times  touching  the  nature  of  our  Lord. 
Some  impaired  the  brightness  of  His  glory  by 
distinctions  made  between  Him  and  the  Father- 
Others  blended  the  two,  so  as  to  convey  an  idea 
of  absolute  identity.  The  former  class  were  led  by 
Paul  of  Samosata,  who  said  the  man  Jesus  was 
"  inhabited     by    the    Word — an    impersonal    power, 


134    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    Part  II 

distinct  from  wisdom,  inherent  in  God  as  an  attribute," 
which  descended  from  heaven  upon  the  Nazarene  at 
His  baptism.  The  latter  class  followed  Sabellius, 
who  confounded  the  Father  and  Son,  denying  the 
orthodox  distinction,  and  regarding  Father  and  Son 
only  as  different  aspects  of  the  same  Being. 

In  the  third  century  Sabellianism  was  less  pro- 
minent than  the  opinion  of  Paul  of  Samosata,  and 
amongst  heterodox  thinkers,  the  idea  of  difference 
between  the  Divine  Father  and  Son  obtained 
ascendency. 

After  Constantine  professed  Christianity  the  differ- 
ence now  indicated  came  under  his  notice.  Imper- 
fectly acquainted  with  theological  speculations,  he 
felt  neither  aptitude  nor  inclination  for  such  an 
inquiry.  Looking  at  it  through  a  political  haze, 
chiefly  if  not  only  anxious  to  extinguish  strife 
amongst  his  subjects  and  to  promote  imperial 
interests,  he  addressed  a  letter  to  the  different 
parties,  saying :  "  Listen  to  me,  your  friend  and 
servant.  I  ask  nor  answer  questions,  which  are  not 
upon  any  injunction  of  your  law,  but  arise  from 
the  altercation  of  barren  leisure ;  at  least,  keep 
them  to  yourselves,  and  do  not  publish  them.  Your 
contention  is  not  about  any  capital  commandment ; 
neither  of  you  is    introducing  any  novel  scheme  of 


Ch.  I]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTINE    135 

worship  ;  you  are  of  one  and  the  same  way  of 
thinking,  so  that  it  is  in  your  power  to  unite  in 
one  communion."  ^ 

Constantine  ere  long  discovered  his  theological 
ignorance,  and  his  political  mistake,  in  supposing  a 
question  of  such  importance  as  that  could  be 
settled  by  compromise  or  neglect.  From  one  end 
of  his  dominions  to  the  other  there  were  thoughtful 
men  deeply  interested  in  the  subject,  who  justly 
attached  to  it  supreme  importance.  Hence  some 
conference  seemed  needful  for  an  authoritative 
decision  on  the  subject. 

Constantine  resolved  that  a  council  should  be 
held  at  Nicea,  in  the  Eastern  division  of  the 
empire,  where  his  Majesty  resided  at  the  time. 
Nicea  was  capital  of  Bithynia,  situated  on  a 
lake  furnishing  means  of  access  from  the  Propontis, 
and  not  far  from  the  imperial  palace.  "  Bishops 
of  Italy  and  from  other  parts  will  be  present,"  wrote 
his  Majesty,  "  and  I  shall  be  at  hand  as  spectator 
and  as  participator  in  what  is  done."  He  com- 
manded public  provision  should  be  made  for 
conveying  members  to  the  place  of  assembly  ;  and 
the  historian  Ammianus    Marcellinus   tells   us   high- 

^  Euscbius,  Vita  Conslaniini,  i'.  63-70. 


136    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

ways  were  crowded  by  bishops  galloping  to  the 
synod,  so  that  public  posts  for  travelling  were 
nearly  ruined.  I  may  add  that  not  long  after  the 
famous  gathering,  part  of  the  place  occupied  by  it 
was  destroyed  by  earthquake :  restored,  however, 
in  the  year  368.  It  is  now  a  miserable  spot,  but 
the  neighbourhood  is  richly  wooded. 

It  was  not  till  a  fortnight  or  so  after  the 
bishops  had  assembled,  that  Constantine  made  his 
appearance.  The  day  of  opening  (A.D.  323)  is 
uncertain,  as  dates  vary  from  May  20th  to  29th, 
and  from  June   14th  to  June  \gi\\} 

The  exact  number  of  persons  cannot  be  ascertained, 
but  probably  there  were  above  three  hundred  bishops 
and  presbyters  included.  The  assembly  met  in  a 
church  at  first  ;  afterwards  we  find  them  in  a  hall 
of  assembly,  prepared  for  the  occasion.  On  each 
side  sat  dignitaries,  and  when  all  was  ready,  the 
doors  opened,  up  rose  the  clergy,  and  in  came  his 
Majesty,  "clothed  in  purple,  sparkling  with  gems." 
Invited  by  the  bishops,  he  sat  down  in  a  gilded 
chair,  and  the  clergy  resumed  their  seats. 

The  three  most  remarkable  men  in  that  gathering 
were    Arius,    Alexander,    and    Athanasius.       Arius 

^  In  what  follows  I  avail  myself  of  Stanley's  Eastern  Chtirch. 


Ch.  I]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTINE   137 

was  advanced  in  life,  tall,  like  Saul  of  old,  and  popular 
amongst  friends  for  courteous  manners,  though  pro- 
nounced by  others  proud,  austere,  and  quarrelsome, 
"wriggling  like  a  snake."  In  313  he  had  charge 
of  a  church  in  Alexandria,  and  at  one  time,  so  it 
is  said,  had  his  eye  fixed  on  the  patriarchate  of 
that  magnificent  city.  He  was  more  a  debater 
than  a  philosopher,  more  clever  in  argument  than 
profound  in  conception.  There  is  in  existence  a 
fragment  of  his  entitled  Thalia,  denoting  a  banquet, 
and  made  up  of  verses,  "  written  for  the  sea,  the 
mill,  and  the  road,"  whatever  that  may  mean.^ 
Alexander,  Bishop  of  Alexandria,  was  another 
person  of  importance ;  but  he  was  eclipsed  by 
Athanasius,  his  deacon  and  secretary,  only  twenty- 
seven  years  of  age,  not  tall,  but  "  with  a  face 
beautiful  as  an  angel."  Julian  called  him  "a  dwarf, 
not  a  man." 

Eastern  Churches  were  largely  represented  in 
this  conclave,  but  Hosius,  a  Spaniard,  was  the  only 
Western  prelate. 

There  were  three  principal  groups  in  the  council. 
One  followed  Arius ;  a  second  was  devoted  to 
Athanasius ;    the   third,    by   far   most    numerous,   at 

'  Socrates,  Ecclesiastical  History,  i.,  9,  refers  jto_  the  book  as 
"  loose  and  dissolute," 


138    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOIVS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

first  only  wished  to  hand  down  the  old  orthodoxy. 
They  at  last  ranged  themselves  under  the  youthful 
Alexandrian.  Some  of  the  clergy  probably  were 
illiterate.  Spyridion,  "  the  shepherd "  or  sheep- 
farmer,  was  one.  His  remains  are  preserved  in 
Corfu  Cathedral,  and  arc  there  yearly  carried  about 
the  streets  in  procession.^ 

Aetius  headed  a  party  distinguished  by  extreme 
views  and  the  violence  with  which  they  enforced 
them.  He  spoke  of  the  Son  as  unlike  the  Father. 
His  followers  were  denounced  by  opponents  as 
utterly  godless.  Certainly  he  seems  to  have  sur- 
passed Arius  in  heretical  beliefs.  Another  thing 
which  made  him  obnoxious  to  episcopalians  was 
his  denial  of  any  distinction  between  bishops  and 
presbyters,  and  also  of  any  obligation  to  keep 
Easter.  His  followers  did  not  fast  or  pray  for 
departed  souls — points  held  firmly  by  some  on  the 
orthodox  side. 

'  Itincraire  de  L'Orie}tt,  p.  246.  An  absurd  story  is  told 
of  Spyridion's  replacing  the  heads  of  some  decapitated  horses  ; 
but  doing  it  in  haste,  black  heads  were  fixed  on  white  shoulders 
and  white  on  black  ones.  Sozomen  {Hist.,  i.,  c.  li)  tells  us  some 
one  entrusted  a  treasure  to  the  care  of  Spyridion's  daughter,  who 
for  safety  buried  it  in  her  father's  garden.  She  died,  and  the 
father  went  to  the  girl's  grave,  and  was  there  told  where  the 
treasure  was  hidden  ! ! 


Ch.I]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTINE  139 

Eusebius  says  of  the  assembly :  "  Officers  and 
soldiers  drawn  up  in  order  with  naked  swords  kept 
the  vestibule  of  the  palace,  and  through  their  midst 
the  men  of  God  passed  without  fear  and  entered 
into  the  inner  hall.  There  some  sat  near  the 
Emperor,  and  others  occupied  couches  on  either 
side.  Any  one  might  have  thought  it  a  picture 
of  the  kingdom  of  Christ,  and  a  dream  rather  than 
a  reality."  ^ 

Constantine,  in  connection  with  the  council,  it 
would  seem,  invited  the  members  to  a  banquet. 
That  must  have  been  to  them  a  memorable  day, 
when  they  were  first  seated  at  a  royal  table,  as 
memories  of  past  trials  crossed  their  minds.  Several 
of  their  number  had  been  persecuted  for  righteous- 
ness' sake,  and  endured  a  great  fight  of  affliction. 
They  had  taken  joyfully  the  spoiling  of  their  goods, 
and  been  made  a  gazing-stock  by  reproaches  and 
afflictions ;  but  now  "  the  Lord  had  turned  away 
their  captivity,  and  they  were  like  them  that  dream. 
Their  mouth  was  filled  with  laughter,  and  their 
tongue  with  singing.  They  said.  The  Lord  hath  done 
great  things  for  us,  whereof  we  are  glad."  What 
had      happened      must      have     seemed     miraculous. 

'  De  Vita  Consiatii.,  iii,,  15. 


I40    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

Diocletian's  persecution,  which  lasted  for  ten  years, 
when  churches  were  burnt  down,  and  martyrs  slain, 
and  Scriptures  consumed,  had  ended  only  with 
Constantine's  edicts  of  toleration  in  A.D.  3 1 1  and 
313.  This  last  date  was  ten  years  before  the 
Nicean  assembly.  The  guests  at  the  imperial 
banquet  had  but  to  look  a  few  years  back 
to  the  period  when  their  fathers  died  deaths  of 
martyrdom. 

Knowing  what  human  nature  is,  and  the  effect 
produced  by  royal  notice,  we  cannot  but  infer  that 
the  visit  of  bishops  and  other  ecclesiastics  to 
the  Nicean  palace,  and  the  attention  shown  them, 
would  elevate  the  guests  in  social  rank.  This  would 
be  a  small  matter  compared  with  the  elevation,  in 
point  of  official  influence,  to  which  the  union  of 
Church  and  State  raised  the  guests.  They  were 
now  not  merely  religious  officers,  but  possessors  of 
secular  influence  as  well.  That  was  a  fact  which 
the  history  of  the  Church  demonstrated  before  the 
world.  The  power  which  bishops  and  clergy 
possessed  in  social  affairs  and  in  legal  authority 
is  illustrated  in  numerous  details.^ 

The   outcome    of    controversy    between    orthodox 

'  See  a  long  article  on  "  Bishops  "  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of 
Christian  Antiquities. 


Ch.  I]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTtNE  I41 

and    Arians   appears    in    the    Nicene    Creed ;    and 
it  is  interesting  to  compare   this  with  that  bearing 
the  name  of  "  the  Apostles'  Creed."     That  is  chiefly 
historical;    the   Nicene  is   essentially  dogmatic.      It 
develops  through  Scripture  study,  philosophical  medi- 
tation, and    logical   inference,   doctrines   involved    in 
earlier  formularies  and  writings.     The   earlier  creed 
referred  simply  to  evangelical  facts  ;   the  Nicene  is 
a  decidedly  theological  formula.      No   contradiction 
exists  between  the  two.     The    latter   only   expands 
the  former.      There  is  growth  in  the  Church's  con- 
fession, after  three  centuries  of  thoughtfulness.     Some 
expressions  in  our  English  translation  of  the  Greek 
formula  grate  harshly  on  our  cars  ;  but  the  original 
did   not  produce  the  same  effect  on  those  who  first 
listened  to  it. 

It  has  been  remarked  that  the  Greek  word  denoting 
similarity  adopted  by  semi-Arians  resembles  the 
orthodox  symbol  so  closely,  that  difference  of  a  mere 
diphthong  in  this  case  produced  violent  controversy 
between  Honioiousians  and  Honioousiaus.  Only 
criticism  of  a  shallow  sort  can  estimate  a  difference 
of  fact  by  counting  letters  denoting  that  difference. 
"  Essentially  the  same  "  and  "  similar  to  each  other " 
point  in  distinct  directions.  Besides,  in  the  present 
case  it  is  a  mistake  to  confine  the  main  dispute  to 


142    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

semi-Arians  and  orthodox,  for  the  contention  chiefly- 
lay  between  decided  Arians  and  those  decidedly 
orthodox.  The  anti-Athanasians  consisted  of  those 
who  said  the  Son  was  of  like  substance,  not  the  same  ; 
as  well  as  others  who  believed  He  was  a  different 
Being  created  out  of  nothing. 

The  Arians,  it  is  said,  early  presented  a  draft  of 
their  creed,  which  created  an  uproar,  and  the  docu- 
ment was  torn  in  pieces.  Afterwards  Eusebius, 
Bishop  of  Caesarea,  proposed  a  formula,  omitting  the 
word  consubstantial,  an  omission  zealously  opposed 
by  the  orthodox  party. 

The  Greek  term  '0/xoovaLo<i,  meaning  what  the  Latin 
consubstantial  and  the  English  same  substance  ex- 
press, became  a  party  cry  of  the  orthodox,  under 
the  leadership  of  Athanasius.  It  was  intended  to 
express  the  true  and  proper  Divinity  of  our  Lord, 
indicating  that  He  po.ssessed  the  same  perfections 
as  God  the  Father  and  God  the  Holy  Ghost.  There 
were  divines  at  that  period  who  believed  in  the 
Holy  Trinity,  but  objected  to  the  Athanasian  watch- 
word, and  would  not  use  it.  Others  disliked  the 
use  of  that  term,  and  preferred  to  speak  of  Christ 
as  "  the  inscrutable,"  "  the  unoriginate,"  "  the  eternal 
Son,  by  incomprehensible  generation."  They  said, 
"  He  is  the  Son  of  God,  not  by  adoption,  but  nature." 


Ch.l]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTINE  143 

In  the  whole  of  the  Nicean  controversy,  and  for 
a  long  time  afterwards,  when  other  questions  arose 
respecting  the  mystery  of  Divine  existence,  there 
seems  to  have  been  an  absence  of  regard  for  the 
expostulation :  "  Canst  thou  by  searching  find  out 
God?  canst  thou  find  out  the  Almighty  unto  per- 
fection ?  It  is  as  high  as  heaven  ;  what  canst  thou 
do  ?  deeper  than  hades  ;  what  canst  thou  know  ?  The 
measure  thereof  is  longer  than  the  earth,  and  broader 
than  the  sea."  ^  Disputants,  more  or  less,  seemed  to 
forget  the  infinite  and  unsearchable  nature  of  the 
Divine  Being,  to  whom  reasonings  founded  upon 
created  modes  of  existence  are  inapplicable.  Meta- 
physical thoughts,  when  applied  to  the  self-existent 
One,  lay  open  to  the  rebuke  :  "  Thou  thoughtest  that 
I  was  altogether  such  an  one  as  thyself ;  but  I  will 
reprove  thee,  and  set  them  in  order  before  thine 
eyes."^  It  is,  in  some  instances,  painful  to  read 
descriptions  touching  the  Divine  nature  as  if  it  were 
no  more  incomprehensible  than  our  own. 

In  the  fourth  century  amenities  were  not  cultivated 
in  controversy.  Orthodox  champions  called  the 
Arians  "  profligates,"  "  idolaters,"  "  Jews,  worse  than 
heathen,"  "  animals,"  "  satanic  partisans,   and   guilty 

'  Job  xi.  7-9.  2  Psalm  1.  21. 


144    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

of  the  unpardonable  sin  "  ;  Athanasius  was  not  free 
from  blame  in  this  respect,  but  he  relaxed  in  severity 
of  language  the  older  he  grew.  At  the  same  time 
the  Arians  were  not  behindhand  in  violence  ;  and  an 
incident  in  their  warfare  stands  unparalleled.  Arians 
accused  Athanasius  of  murder.  An  Arian  bishop 
named  Arsenius  was  persuaded  to  hide  himself. 
Afterwards,  so  runs  the  story,  the  orthodox  champion 
was  charged  with  taking  away  the  man's  life.  A 
withered  hand  was  shown  as  belonging  to  the  victim, 
and  as  employed  by  the  orthodox  leader  for  magical 
purposes.  It  turned  out  that  Arsenius  was  still  alive, 
with  two  hands  like  other  folks. 

After  the  Nicene  formulary  had  been  -adopted, 
Constantine  commended  it  to  his  subjects,  and  urged 
its  acceptance  as  tending  to  their  "  temporal  welfare." 
"  Some,"  he  says,  "  were  won  by  hoping  for  temporal 
support,  or  by  the  prospect  of  gaining  influence, 
or  by  courtesy  of  manner,  or  by  substantial  presents." 
"  Most  unworthy  motives,"  Dr.  Kaye  ^  mildly  remarks. 

Speaking  of  Arianism  after  the  death  of  Con- 
stantine, Socrates  tells  us  it  was  diffused  throughout 
the  Court  and  amongst  the  imperial  household  and 
guards.  The  mischief  extended,  but  it  was  chiefly 
confined  to  the  East.^ 

Council  of  Nicea,  p.  50.        -  Socrates,  Eai  Hist   i.,  c.  6. 


Ch.  I]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTINE    145 

The  personal  history  of  Constantine,  so  far  as  it  is 
noticeable  on  these  pages,  closed  in  A.D.  337.  Then 
he  died  at  Hireropolis  ;  and  just  before  his  departure 
from  this  life  he  submitted  to  the  rite  of  Christian 
baptism.  He  expired  at  noon  on  the  feast  of  Pente- 
cost. It  is  said  that  he  granted  to  the  Roman  pontiff 
and  clergy,  a  number  of  dignities  and  privileges,  all 
of  them  showing  a  desire  to  make  the  imperial 
a  model  for  pontifical  dignity.  The  pontiff  was  to 
occupy  the  Lateran  palaces,  to  wear  the  diadem, 
collar,  and  purple  cloak,  and  to  carry  the  sceptre.^ 

"  The  legislation  of  Constantine,"  says  Dr.  Stubbs, 
"  gave  a  coercive  and  material  force  to  rules  which 
had  been  hitherto  matters  of  conscience  and  con- 
sensus. The  Church  was  empowered  to  enforce  her 
doctrinal  decisions,  her  rules  of  discipline,  and  her 
frame  of  administration  ;  and  that  so  completely, 
that  from  this  date,  the  ecclesiastical  administration 
in  Christian  countries,  under  the  empire,  became  so 
wedded  to  the  secular  administration  as  to  be  at 
times  almost  indistinguishable  from  it,  except  on 
close  investigation." " 

'  See  Divt  Gratiam  Universe  Juris  Canonid,  etc.  (Lugduni, 
MDLIIL).     The  forgery  was  probably  based  on  a  tradition. 
-  Lectures  on  Medicpval mid  Modern  History,  by  Bishop  Stubbs, 

P-    J.T^- 

10 


146     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

On  the  effect  of  union  between  Church  and  State 
on  the  Church  in  Rome,  Dean  Milman  remarks  : 
"  On  the  one  hand,  the  bishop  and  the  clergy  are 
already  aspiring  to  a  sacerdotal  power  and  pre- 
eminence, hardly  attained,  hardly  aimed  at,  in  any 
other  part  of  Christendom.  The  pontiff  cannot  rest 
below  a  magnificence  which  would  contrast  as  strongly 
with  the  life  of  the  primitive  bishop,  as  that  of 
LucuUus  with  that  of  Fabricius.  The  prodigality 
of  the  offerings  to  the  Church  and  to  the  clergy, 
those  more  especially  by  bequest,  is  so  immoderate 
that  a  law  is  necessary  to  restrain  the  profuseness 
on  the  one  hand,  the  avidity  on  the  other — a  law 
which  the  statesman  Ambrose,  and  the  monk  Jerome 
approve,  as  demanded  by  the  abuses  of  the  times. 
'  Priests  of  idols,  mimes,  charioteers,  harlots  may 
receive  bequests  ;  it  is  interdicted,  and  wisely  inter- 
dicted, only  to  ecclesiastics  and  monks.'  The  Church 
may  already  seem  to  have  taken  the  place  of  the 
Emperor  as  universal  legatee.  As  men  before  bought 
by  this  posthumous  adulation  the  favour  of  Caesar, 
so  would  they  now  that  of  God.  Heredipety,  or 
legacy-hunting,  is  inveighed  against,  in  the  clergy 
especially,  as  by  the  older  satirists.  Jerome,  in  his 
Epistles,  is  the  Juvenal  of  his  time — without  his 
grossness    indeed,    for    Christianity    no    doubt    had 


Ch.I]     CHURCH  AND  STATE  UNDER  CONSTANTINE    147 

greatly  raised  the  standard  of  morals.  The  heathen, 
as  represented  by  such  men  as  Praetextatus  ^  (they 
now  seem  to  have  retired  into  a  separate  community, 
and  stood  in  relation  to  the  general  society,  as  the 
Christians  had  stood  to  the  heathen  under  Ves- 
pasian or  the  Antonines),  had  partaken  in  the  moral 
advancement.  But  with  this  great  exception,  this 
repulsive  licence,  Jerome,  both  in  the  vehemence  of 
his  denunciation  and  in  his  description  of  the  vices, 
manners,  habits  of  Rome,  might  seem  to  be  writing 
of  pre-Christian  times." " 

The  union  between  Church  and  State,  as  it  is 
termed,  began  under  Constantine,  but  on  what  exact 
terms  does  not  distinctly  appear.  How  far  the 
author  had  formed  a  distinct  theory  on  the  subject, 
if  he  did  frame  any  theory  at  all,  it  is  impossible 
to  say.  The  practical  development  we  shall  see  as 
we  proceed. 

'  There  was  a  Bishop  of  this  name,  over  the  diocese  of  Rouen, 
accused  of  aiding  King  Chilperic's  son  in  plots  against  his  father. 
He  was  attacked  and  slain;  some  counted  him  a  martyr.  (See 
Smith's  Did.  Biog.) 

"  Latin  Christia7iity,  vol.  i.,  p.  70.  It  would  appear  that  the 
wealth  of  ecclesiastics  was  to  be  attributed  largely  to  testamentary 
bequests.  "  The  law  of  Constantine,  which  empowered  the  clergy 
to  receive  testamentary  bequests  and  to  hold  land,  was  a  gift  which 
could  scarcely  have  been  exceeded  if  he  had  granted  them  two  pro- 
vinces of  the  empire"  {}A\\ms.n' s History  of  Christianify,  iii.,  p.  380). 


CHAPTER  II 
SUBSEQUENT  EMPERORS 

CONSTANTINE  II.,  Constantius,  and  Constans 
followed  their  father  on  the  throne — all  three 
under  the  age  of  twenty-one.  They  divided  the 
empire  between  them  :  Constantine  II.  holding  Gaul 
and  Britain  ;  Constans  ruling  Italy,  together  with 
Africa  ;  and  Constantius  having  for  his  share 
Thrace  and  the  East,  Constantine  II.  was  killed 
in  a  skirmish  on  the  Alps  in  A.D.  340  ;  and  Constans 
in  an  insurrection,  ten  years  afterwards.  Constantius 
then  became  sole  emperor,  and  died  as  he  was 
preparing  to  defend  his  rule  against  Julian,  who 
succeeded  him. 

During  the  reigns  of  Constantine's  sons,  between 
the  years  A.D.  t^'}^'] — 361,  we  meet  with  a  succession 
of  controversies  between  orthodox  and  Arian  parties, 
which    distress    a   right-minded    reader.      Amidst   a 

succession    of   conflicting   events    and    opinions,   one 

148 


Ch.  II]  SUBSEQUENT  EMPERORS  149 

reads  of  two  restorations  of  Athanasius  from  exile  ; 
intrigues  of  Arians  against  this  renowned  champion 
of  orthodoxy ;  his  fresh  expulsion  from.  Alexandria  ; 
the  intrusion  into  the  Church  there  of  the  noted 
George,  a  Cappadocian  advocate  of  Arian  heresy; 
the  division  of  its  abettors  into  three  groups  of 
semi-Arians,  Anomeans,  and  Acacians ;  a  series 
of  Councils  at  Ancyra,  Rimini,  and  Seleucia,  full 
of  earnest  disputation  and  a  multitude  of  creeds  : — 
these  facts  altogether  make  a  painful  impression  on 
minds  imbued  with  brotherly  love  and  evangelical 
orthodoxy.^  I  must  say  that  these  reminiscences 
throw  a  dark  shadow  over  that  ecclesiastical  era. 
I  find  abundant  dogmatic  zeal  absorbing  different 
parties,  associated  with  little  of  that  charity  which 
hopeth  all  things  and  endurcth  all  things. 

Moral  and  spiritual  lights  which  shone  during  the 
first  three  centuries  were  sadly  bedimmed  in  dis- 
tinguished quarters  during  the  fourth.  At  the  same 
time,  even  where  Christian  piety  was  deepest,  it 
must  be  confessed  asceticism  appeared  in  the 
ascendant.  Monasteries,  as  we  shall  see,  began 
to  flourish  in  post-Nicean  times. 

The  reign  of  Julian  (361 — 2>^T))  brings   before  us 

'  See  Robertson's  History  of  the  Christian  Church,  vol.  i., 
PP-  327-330- 


150    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  11 

a  startling  crisis.  He  aimed  at  the  restoration  of 
Paganism,  and  withdrew  from  bishops  the  privileges 
they  had  enjoyed.  He  totally  rejected  the  religion 
of  "  the  Galilsean,"  as  he  scornfully  styled  our 
Saviour.  Socrates  has  a  chapter  in  his  Ecclesiastical 
History  entitled  "  Martyrs  at  Merus  in  Phrygia, 
under  the  reign  of  Julian."  ^  The  restoration  of  a 
pagan  temple  exasperated  the  Christian  inhabitants, 
some  of  whom  rushed  into  the  edifice,  and  smashed 
in  pieces  an  image  which  had  been  erected  there. 
They  were  required  to  "  expiate  their  crime "  ;  how 
does  not  appear.  On  their  refusal  they  were  laid 
on  a  gridiron,  and  burnt  to  death,  exclaiming,  so  it 
is  said,  "If  you  wish  to  eat  broiled  flesh,  turn  us  on 
the  other  side  also,  lest  we  should  appear  up  half 
cooked."  ^  The  doubtful  story  thus  related  by  a 
Church  historian,  while  it  testifies  to  heathen  cruelty, 
does  no  honour  to  Christian  religion.  Incidents  of 
Julian's  reign  are  recorded,  but  no  light  is  thrown 
on  his  fundamental  policy.  He  possessed  some 
good  qualities ;  he  supported  hospitals,  was  moral 
in  his  conduct,  a  man  with  mental  gifts  and  some 
amiable  dispositions  ;  but  Socrates  tells  us  he  ex- 
torted  immense  sums  of  money  from  the  Christians 

'  Socrates,  Ecclesiastical  History,  iii.,  c.  15. 
*  Ibid.,  iii.,  c.  15. 


Ch.  il]  SUBSEQUENT  EMPERORS  151 

and  ridiculed  them  in  pamphlets  which  he  wrote. 
It  is  said  he  tortured  a  young  man  named  Theodore, 
whom  heathens  brought  before  him,  and  who  excited 
admiration  by  his  fortitude.^ 

Jovian,  in  A.D.  363,  succeeded  Julian,  but  did  not 
accept  office  till  the  army  declared  in  favour  of  the 
Church.  He  departed  from  Julian's  policy,  and 
restored  Christian  privileges  denied  by  his  pre- 
decessor. He  wrote  to  the  governors  of  provinces, 
directing  that  his  subjects  should  assemble  for 
worship,  serve  God  with  reverence,  and  receive  the 
faith  accepted  by  Constantine.  He  revived  on 
behalf  of  Churches  and  clergy,  also  of  widows  and 
virgins,  those  privileges  which  Julian  had  withdrawn, 
and,  whilst  renewing  them,  Jovian  made  no  laws 
against  those  who  did  not  embrace  the  Gospel.^ 
After  the  Emperor  Jovian  came  Valentine  I.  and 
Valens  (A.D.  364),  then  Gratian  and  Valentinian  H. 
(A.D.  375 — 395).  Valentine  I.  was  tolerant,  but 
Valentinian  H.  was  a  minor,  and  his  mother,  Justina 
— a  staunch  Arian— ruled  in  the  name  of  her  son, 
doing  what  she  could  to  promote  her  own  views  in 
Milan,  the  seat  of  government. 

Theodosius  I.  (A.D.  527 — 562)  commenced  his  wide 

'  Socrates,  iii.,  c.  19. 
2  Ibid.,  iii.,  c.  22,  24-26. 


152    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

imperial  sway  with  this  majestic  declaration  :  "  I  will 
not  permit,  throughout  my  dominions,  any  other 
religion  than  that  which  obliges  us  to  worship  the 
Son  of  God  in  unity  of  essence  with  the  Father 
and  the  Holy  Ghost  in  the  adorable  Trinity."  The 
story  runs  that  he  put  the  question  to  the  Senate, 
according  to  Republican  form,  whether  Jupiter  or 
Christ  should  be  God  of  the  empire.  As  the  result 
Jupiter  was  deposed,  and  old  temples  were  destroyed 
or  turned  into  churches.  Soon  afterwards  the 
Sibylline  Books  were  burnt.  Paganism  was  dead, 
and  with  it  died  its  literature,  of  which  Claudian 
was  the  last  poet. 

An  instance  of  persecution  occurred  during  the 
reign  of  Theodosius. 

In  the  north  of  Spain,  under  the  shadow  of  the 
Pyrenees,  towards  the  end  of  the  fourth  century, 
there  sprang  up  a  movement  under  Priscillian,  a 
man  of  learning,  wealth,  and  influence,  who  was 
led  astray  by  Manich^ean  principles.  A  bishop  or 
two  countenanced  his  course.  A  synod  at  Saragossa 
condemned  the  teacher  and  his  party,  but  this  did 
not  prevent  his  election  to  a  bishopric.  The  ortho- 
dox applied  to  the  P2mpcror  Gratian,  who  ascended 
the  throne  in  A.D.  375.  He  was  urged  to  suppress 
the    sect,   but    such    a    measure   was    prevented    by 


Ch.  II]  SUBSEQUENT  EMPERORS  153 

bribery.  Priscillian's  wealth — "  the  silver  spear,"  as 
it  was  called — being  skilfully  employed,  Priscillianists 
for  a  while  prospered ;  but  afterwards,  when  Maximus, 
on  the  murder  of  Gratian,  usurped  the  throne, 
Priscillian's  fortunes  underwent  a  change,  which  led 
to  his  deposition.  He  attempted  a  counter  move- 
ment, but  failed. 

He  believed  in  two  primeval  principles,  light  and 
darkness,  in  eternal  conflict,  and  he  had  heterodox 
views  of  the  Trinity.  The  general  outline  of  Pris- 
cillianism  included  fantastic  allegories,  daring 
cosmogonies,  and  astrological  fancies,  combined  with 
the  severest  asceticism.  Priscillianists  have  been 
accused  of  immorality,  but,  as  Gibbon  says,  "  if  the 
Priscillianists  violated  the  laws  of  nature,  it  was, 
not  by  the  licentiousness,  but  by  the  austerity  of 
their  lives."  ^ 

Priscillianists  were  summoned  before  a  synod  at 
Bordeaux  in  A.D.  384,  when  their  leader  maintained 
that  the  assembly  was  incompetent  to  try  the  case, 
and  appealed  to  the  Emperor.  Martin  of  Tours  and 
Ambrose  of  Milan  interposed  to  stay  proceedings, 
not  from  sympathy,  or  from  a  policy  of  toleration, 
but  from    opposition  to  secular    interference.     Other 

'  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  0/ the  Roman  Empire,  ii.,  p.  527. 


154    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  11 

bishops  were  for  destroying  schism  by  force,  and 
sought  imperial  condemnation  of  the  movement. 
Priscillian,  and  a  lady  who  was  his  disciple,  were 
condemned  to  die.  It  was  probably  for  political  ends 
that  this  deed  was  done.  Christians  in  general 
felt  no  longer  oppressed  by  State  control,  as  was 
the  case  before  ;  still  a  sect,  small  and  feeble, 
might   come   under   the    lash    of  intolerance. 

Certainly  what  is  now  meant  by  religious  liberty 
was  then  unknown. 

I  have,  in  this  chapter,  passed  over  the  last  few 
Western  emperors,  as  of  no  ecclesiastical  importance. 
But  after  the  separation  of  East  and  West,  Justin- 
ian, who  reigned  in  the  East  from  A.D.  527  to  565, 
appears  prominent  in  ecclesiastical  matters,  and 
requires  distinct  notice. 

He  walked  in  the  steps  of  Constantine,  so  far  as 
to  bring  the  Church  under  State  rule  as  much 
as  possible.  He  directed  his  attention  to  theological 
questions,  but,  whilst  ascetic  in  some  of  his  habits, 
was  not  exemplary  in  his  moral  conduct.  He 
married  Theodora,  a  woman  of  fascinating  man- 
ners, who  had  led  a  wild  and  reckless  life  before 
her  marriage,  not  afterwards.  She  possessed  great 
abilities,  and  exerted  great  influence  over  govern- 
ment, both   in    politics  and  religion.     Her  husband, 


Ch.  II]  SUBSEQUENT  EMPERORS  155 

a  man  of  intellectual  ability,  managed  affairs  much 
according  to  his  own  will,  except  when  his  imperial 
consort  obtained  mastery.  His  Pandects,  consisting 
of  an  extensive  body  of  laws,  won  for  him  great 
renown,  and  became  precedents  for  after  rulers.  In 
three  respects  he  claims  notice — as  a  Church  ruler, 
as  under  his  wife's  influence,  and  as  builder  of  a 
church  the  most  wonderful  in  the  world.  As  a  re- 
ligious ruler,  his  code  of  laws  dealt  with  theological 
doctrine,  hierarchal  order,  and  the  treatment  of 
heresy.  One  great  object  of  his,  was  to  unite 
Constantinople  and  Rome,  so  as  to  form  a  theocracy 
for  government  of  the  world.  As  to  his  wife,  she 
shared  in  some  of  his  plans,  but,  in  one  rather 
amusing  instance,  thwarted  a  scheme  he  had  devised 
for  a  missionary  enterprise  in  Africa.  He  had 
planned  sending  out  a  priest  holding  views  like  his 
own,  but  the  Empress,  discovering  his  design,  re- 
solved to  thwart  it ;  and  accordingly  stole  a  march 
upon  his  Majesty.  She  found  a  priest  according 
to  her  own  mind,  not  her  husband's,  and  managed  to 
send  him  out  to  take  possession  of  the  field  before 
any  other  missionary  could  arrive.  The  manoeuvre 
was  amusing  and  successful.  She  sent  orders  which 
defeated  her  husband's  plan,  and  secured  the  arrival 
first  of  her  own  agent,  who  took  possession  of  the 


156    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

mission,  and  succeeded  in  his  work.  In  some  matters 
the  Emperor  and  Empress  were  of  one  mind,  as 
in  the  case  of  the  "  three  chapters,"  a  matter  which 
figures  largely  in  the  ecclesiastical  disputes  of  that 
period.  The  last  of  Justinian's  achievements  was 
the  erection  of  the  magnificent  cathedral  at  Con- 
stantinople, long  since  transformed  into  a  mosque. 
The  church  in  which  Chrysostom  preached  had 
been  burnt  down,  and  the  Emperor  replaced  it  by 
another,  which  included  spoils  gathered  from  Rome, 
Athens,  Baalbec,  and  Ephesus.  They  are  still  to 
be  seen  in  the  Great  Mosque  of  Constantinople, 
which  when  completed  drew  from  the  founder  the 
exclamation,  "  I  have  outdone  thee,  Solomon  !  "  It 
is  a  wonderful  building. 

The  massive  construction  which  forms  the  church 
attached  to  the  Monastery  of  St.  Catherine,  at  Mount 
Sinai,  is  traditionally  connected  with  the  name  of 
Justinian,  as  having  had  to  do  with  its  early  history  ; 
it  has  received  many  additions  since.  The  church 
retains  a  grand  picture  of  the  Transfiguration,  together 
with  portraits  of  Justinian  and  Theodora,  in  mosaic, 
with  silver  lamps  shedding  light  upon  them.  How 
far  traditions  in  the  East  respecting  these  royal  per- 
sonages, and  others,  such  as  Constantine  and  his 
mother    Helena,    in    connection    with    building    and 


Ch.  II]  SUBSEQUENT  EMPERORS  157 

decorating   ecclesiastical    edifices,   arc  to  be    trusted 
by  travellers,  I  am  not  prepared  to  say. 

The  recognised  law  of  Christian  life  was  at  this 
period  sought,  not  only  in  the  Holy  Scriptures,  but 
in  patristic  writings,  the  canons  of  councils,  and  the 
Theodosian  and  Justinian  codes.  As  if  this  collection 
of  human  decisions  did  not  suffice,  a  New  Canon,  as 
it  is  called,  was  provided  in  a  Greek  original  and 
Latin  version.  The  first  part  contained  laws  generally 
accepted  in  the  Greek  Church,  with  the  Latin  canons 
of  Sardica,  and  a  code  adopted  at  Carthage  for 
African  believers.  The  second  part  presents  decretals 
on  cases  submitted  by  various  parties,  and  also 
Spanish  and  Gallican  decisions.  The  New  Canon 
included  particular  peniientials,  so-named,  in  which 
daily  prayers  are  supplied  and  alms  deeds  are 
prescribed. 

Constantine  had  granted  privileges  to  those  who 
adopted  what  was  called  a  religious  life.  An  enact- 
ment, with  a  view  to  the  increase  of  population,  had 
deprived  unmarried  women  of  all  bequests,  except 
from  their  own  relatives.  This  told  disadvantageously 
on  persons  who  took  vows  of  celibacy,  and  it  was 
now  repealed  ;  and  special  privileges  were  secured 
to  unmarried  women.  Virgins  were  allowed  to  make  ' 
wills  before  they  came  of  age.     Also  a  law  of  wider 


158    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

scope  was  passed  in  favour  of  men  who  preferred, 
in  cases  of  dispute,  episcopal  decisions,  to  such  as 
came  from  secular  authority.  Owing  to  legal  re- 
strictions, difficulties  had  arisen  in  securing  privileges 
for  certain  people ;  but  such  difficulties  were  now 
swept  away  in  the  case  of  those  who  obtained 
priestly  certificates  in  their  favour.  To  all  this  may 
be  added  the  building  of  churches  out  of  State 
funds.  Help  was  also  afforded  to  the  clergy  by 
their  being  placed  on  the  civil  list.^ 

I  may  add  that,  after  the  union  of  Church  and 
State,  the  clergy  were  invested  with  juridical  powers. 
They  could  authoritatively  settle  disputes  where  both 
parties  were  in  clerical  orders,  and  also  in  cases 
where  disputants  were  prepared  to  abide  by  priestly 
decisions.  Succeeding  Emperors  published  edicts 
to  check  encroachments  of  ecclesiastical  upon  civil 
power,  and  bishops  were  left  no  right,  in  certain 
cases,  to  judge  clerks  where  the  latter  were  opposed 
to  it.  Episcopal  courts  had  no  coercive  jurisdiction 
over  laymen.  Some  changes  were  made  by  Justinian, 
who  entirely  exempted  bishops  from  lay  control,  and 
prevented  priests  from  being  degraded  without  epis- 
copal assent.^     After  Justinian,  further  changes  were 

'  Sozomen,  Ecd.  Hist.,  i.,  9. 

'  Church  History  by  Waddington,  p.  221. 


Ch.  II]  SUBSEQUENT  EMPERORS  159 

not  made  in  the  Eastern  Church  ;  but  in  the  West, 
during  darkness  and  disorder,  some  additional  im- 
munities were  bestowed   on  the  priesthood. 

At  the  close  of  Justinian's  reign,  we  find  that 
monasteries  were  more  numerous  than  they  had  been. 
Whatever  might  be  the  effect  of  social  seclusion  on 
the  part  of  monks  and  hermits  in  earlier  days,  their 
withdrawment  now  from  common  walks  of  life,  in  its 
influence  on  society,  must  have  inflicted  injury  in 
proportion  to  the  personal  piety  which  these  recluses 
might  possess.  If  they  really  were  lights  in  the 
world,  what  a  pity  they  should  put  themselves  under 
extinguishers  in  cells  and  out-of-the-way  hermitages. 
Increasing  luxury,  noticed  by  Gregory  Nazianzen  and 
Jerome,  must  have  had  a  bad  effect  on  families,  draw- 
ing them  away  from  the  simplicity  of  Gospel  life,  and, 
in  many  cases,  extinguishing  them  as  lights  in  the  world. 

The  number  of  professed  believers,  no  doubt, 
vastly  increased  during  imperial  reigns  under  con- 
sideration ;  imposing  city  churches.  East  and  West, 
were  multiplied,  and  attracted  spectators,  if  not 
always  spiritual  worshippers.  Christianity  became  a 
stronger  social  and  political  power  than  it  had  ever 
been  ;  but  as  a  really  spij-itual  force,  there  is  reason 
to  believe  it  was  not  what  it  had  been  in  days  of 
suffering  under  Diocletian. 


l6o    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

As  we  shall  see  in  the  following  chapter,  the  temper 
and  conduct  of  some  Church  leaders,  resembling 
worldly  men — in  short,  the  history  of  post-Nicene 
councils,  under  vouchsafcment  of  imperial  patronage 
— added  much,  in  spite  of  professed  orthodoxy,  to  the 
increasing  shadows  of  early  Christendom. 

When  the  Church  had  been  united  to  the  State, 
organisations  of  dioceses  and  grouping  of  them 
in  order  were  arranged  according  to  imperial 
models.  Rome,  Constantinople,  Alexandria,  and 
Antioch  stood  first  amongst  ecclesiastical  sees,  and 
were  distinguished  as  patriarchates.  Rome,  in  this 
respect,  became  foremost  and  supreme  amongst 
Italians,  including  Sicily,  Sardinia,  and  Corsica. 
There  was  no  other  Church  in  the  Western  world 
to  compete  with  Rome.  In  the  East,  Patriarchs  of 
Antioch  and  Alexandria  corresponded  in  extent 
of  influence  with  the  prefects  of  the  empire  ruling 
tliose  great  cities.  When  Constantinople  had  become 
the  throne  of  Constantine,  the  bishop  of  that  city 
took  precedence  in  Christendom  next  to  the  Bishop 
of  Rome.  Constantinople,  in  the  East,  stood  in  re- 
lation to  other  Oriental  sees  as  did  the  Roman  one 
to  those  of  the  West.  Christendom  thus  became  an 
ecclesiastical  reflection  of  the  political  empire. 

I    may    add,  Antioch  did    not    meekly   submit   to 


Ch.  II]  SUBSEQUENT  EMPERORS  l6l 

priority  claimed  on  the  part  of  Rome.  Sozomen, 
under  date  A.D.  341,  remarks  that  bishops  assembled 
at  Antioch  sent  a  letter  to  their  brother  at  Rome, 
"  replete  in  rhetorical  elegance,  but  couched  in  a  tone 
of  irony  and  defiance."  These  Easterns  said,  they 
were  willing  to  remain  in  communion  with  Rome,  if 
Rome  confirmed  their  deposition  of  certain  bishops, 
and  their  choice  of  those  who  were  to  succeed/ 

It  is  but  appropriate  to  add  that,  at  the  period 
now  reviewed,  there  existed  a  disposition  to  maintain 
as  large  an  amount  of  visible  uniformity  as  possible, 
both  in  government  and  worship.  The  first  of  these 
instances,  on  the  wJiole,  is  apparent  when  we  remember 
the  institute  of  patriarchates,  professed  or  implied. 
East  and  West,  though  disturbed  here  and  there  by 
Donatists  and  Novatian  sects.  The  second  broad 
instance,  with  minor  variations,  is  found  touching 
Easter  celebrations,  observance  of  baptism  and  the 
Eucharist,  also  Mariolatry  and  fasting.^  There  were 
diversities  of  usage  with  substantial  unity. 

^  vSozomen,  Eccl.  Hist.,  iii.,  c.  8. 
^  Socrates,  v.,  c.  22. 


II 


CHAPTER    III 

POST-NICENE   COUNCILS 

THEODOSIUS  the  Great  included  within 
his  rule  the  entire  old  imperial  dominions. 
Eminently  orthodox,  he  zealously  supported  the 
doctrine  settled  at  Nicea.  Even  on  that  occasion, 
however,  the  assembly  was,  while  ecumenical  in 
name,  not  so  in   fact. 

No  doubt  there  was  a  charm  in  Church  conclaves  ; 
generally  churchmen  were  proud  of  them,  but  Gregory 
Nazianzen,  probably  in  reference  to  provincial 
councils,  said  :  "  To  tell  the  truth,  I  shun  these 
meetings,  for  I  have  seen  none  of  them  come  to  a 
good  end.  It  is  easier  to  set  up  oneself  as  judge 
of  others,  than  to  succeed  in  putting  away  one's  own 
wrong-doing.  I  withdraw  myself,  and  in  solitude 
find  rest  for  my  soul."  ^  Probably  Gregory  was,  in 
this  respect,  no  true  type  of  the  episcopal  class  to 

'  Eptst.  ad  P7'ocop. 


Ch.  Ill]  POST-NICENE   COUNCILS  1 63 

which  he  belonged.  Gregory's  friend,  Basil  the 
Great,  remarked,  possibly  in  reference  to  General 
Councils:  "The  substancj  of  God  is  beyond  human 
understanding.  For  my  part,  I  believe  that  the 
conception  passes  the  reach  of  rational  creatures. 
No  one  knoweth  the  Son  but  the  Father."  ^  Neither 
Gregory  nor  Basil  were  of  that  bustling  order 
which  loves  to  speak  at  public  meetings  ;  though, 
independently  of  that,  Gregory  had  a  decided 
opinion  on  the  mysterious  question  then  agitating 
Christendom. 

Pursuing  the  recorded  history  of  General  Councils, 
we  notice  that  what  is  said  of  the  second,  held  at 
Constantinople,  A.D.  381,  appears  in  a  hazy  condition. 
There  were  present  at  the  opening  thirty-six  semi- 
Arians,  who  soon  retired,  and  left  only  one  hundred 
and  fifty  members.  No  Latin  bishops  were  present. 
Acts  of  the  council  we  find  preserved  contain  the 
creed  and  seven  canons.  The  creed  declared  that 
the  Spirit  proceeded  from  the  Father.  The  filioquc 
clause  was  added  in  a  Spanish  assembly  to  be  noticed 
hereafter. 

The  next  General   Council  assembled  at  Ephesus 


'  Ad  Enn.,  iii.,  6.     See  Basil  the  G?-eat  (S.P.C.K.),  chap.  vi. 
also  p.  87. 


1 64    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

in  A.D.  431  ;  and  that  its  discussions  maybe  under- 
stood, reference  must  be  made  to  a  controversy  which 
then  agitated  the  East. 

Reverence    for    the    Virgin    had    been    increasing 
for    some    time.      Images    of    her    were    set    up    in 
churches,    enthroned,    with    the    infant    Jesus    in    her 
arms.     Now  appeared  language   respecting  Mary  of 
an   unprecedented   kind.      Even    Gregory   Nazianzen 
said,    "  If  any    one    considers    that    Mary    was    not 
Mother   of  God,   Christ   is    severed    from    the    God- 
head."     Zeal  for  our  Lord's  Divinity  was  perverted 
into  strange   forms   of   expression  ;    for  instance,  the 
distinguished    Father    I    have  just    named    affirmed, 
"  If    any    one   says    our    Saviour    ran    through    the 
Virgin,   as   through   a    canal,   and    was   not   formed 
in    her,    in     a     Divine    as     well    as    in     a    human 
fashion — Divine,  as    being  without  a  human  father, 
human,  as  being  by  the  law  of  foetal   growth — and 
further,  if  one  says  the  man  was   first   formed,  and 
that    then    God    assumed    the    man,    he    is    to    be 
condemned."  ^ 

This  strange  idea  of  passing  through  the  Virgin 
"  as  a  canal  "  appears  in  allusion   to  a  Valentinian 


'  "  Letter  of  Gregory  to  Cledonius,"  col.  178,     See  Swainson's 
J^kene  and  Apostles'  Creeds,  p.  83. 


Ch.III]  POST-NICENE   COUNCILS  165 

theory ;  for  Epiphanius  says,  "  The  Valentinians 
affirmed  that  Christ  brought  down  His  body  from 
above,  and  that,  as  water  flows  through  a  conduit, 
so  He  passed  through  the  Virgin,  taking  nothing 
from  her."  ^  Scarcely  any  speculations  exhibit  more 
strikingly  the  shady  side  of  patristic  theology  than 
do  those  in  reference  to  the  mysterious  subject  of 
the  Incarnation. 

In  the  state  of  thought  existing  at  that  period, 
Nestorius,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  contended 
against  the  practice  of  calling  the  Virgin  "  Mother 
of  God,"  and  insisted  upon  distinguishing  between 
what  was  Divine  and  what  was  human  in  the  person 
of  our  Lord.  Nestorius  firmly  maintained  the 
position  that  "  it  is  impossible  God  should  be  born 
of  a  woman." 

A  report  of  that  utterance  was  circulated  far  and 
wide,  and  it  was  indignantly  branded  as  heresy.  The 
idea  of  Nestorius  produced  an  immense  sensation  in 
Alexandria,  where  an  opposite  tendency  of  thought 
obtained    under    the    teaching    of    Cyril.       He    was 

'  Reading  Chrysostom's  Homily  IV.,  on  the  Gospel  of  Matthew 
chap.)  i.,  p.  17),  I  am  struck  with  the  absence  of  such  specula- 
tions on  the  "  conception  "  of  our  Lord  as  were  so  common  at 
that  period.  He  says,  "  Above  all  nature  is  her  conception,"  and 
then  leaves  it.     The  sermon  is  eminently  practical. 


1 66    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

particularly  zealous  in  advocating  Mary's  Divine 
motherhood,  and  was  intensely  angry  with  his 
Constantinopolitan  brother,  who  denied  it.  Cyril, 
not  Nestorius,  carried  with  him  public  opinion  at 
that  time  ;  and  what  are  we  to  think  of  the  animus 
of  Evagrius  the  historian,  who,  after  relating  sufferings 
of  Nestorius,  endured  at  the  hands  of  fellow- 
Christians,  remarks,  "  I  learn  from  one  who  wrote 
an  account  of  his  demise  that,  when  his  tongue  had 
been  eaten  through  with  worms,  he  departed  to 
the  greater  and  everlasting  judgment  which  awaited 
him"?^ 

When  we  find  the  Virgin  Mary  called  "  Mother  of 
God,"  we  cannot  be  surprised  at  the  mariolatry  which 
followed.  Before  the  period  under  review  an  apo- 
cryphal Gospel  had  been  in  existence,  containing  an 
account  of  her  nativity,  and,  besides  this,  a  story  of 
her  ascent  to  heaven.  Also,  x'Xmbrose  had  spoken  of 
her  birth  as  somewhat  miraculous,  and  Augustine  did 
not  reckon  her  as  born  in  sin,  like  others  ;  but  as 
was  natural,  the  doctrine  of  her  being  Mother  of 
God  gave  an  impetus  to  mariolatry,  then  in  its 
earliest  stage,  but  developing  afterwards  until  it 
covered  Christendom.     With    the  Virgin,  Anna,  her 

'  Evagrius,  Ecd.  Hist.,  i.,  c.  7. 


Ch.  Ill]  POST-NICENE   COUNCILS  167 

mother,  became  an  object  of  devout  veneration,  and 
Justinian  dedicated  to  her  a  church  in  Constantinople.^ 
A  foundation  was  thus  gradually  laid  for  that 
wonderfully  extended  worship  of  Mary  which  ob- 
tained in  Europe  before  the  Reformation,  and  still 
exists  in  Roman  Catholic  countries. 

We   now  turn    attention   to   the  General    Council 
held  at  Ephesus  in  A.D.  431. 

In  what  I  have  to  say  of  it  I  shall  chiefly 
follow  Neale,  who  gives  an  account  of  it  in  his 
History  of  the  PatriarcJiate  of  Alexandria,  and  I 
say  this  lest  I  should  be  suspected  of  partisanship  on 
the  other  side.  According  to  Neale,  Cyril  and  his 
followers  A\-ould  not  wait  for  the  arrival  of  John  of 
Antioch,  who  supported  Nestorius,  but  held  a  meet- 
ing, at  once,  of  those  opposed  to  the  latter  divine. 
Seven  sessions  were  held  by  the  bishops  present  in 
the  city.  They  condemned  Nestorius,  and  when 
John  of  Antioch  arrived  afterwards,  the  case  had 
really  been  settled.  Cyril  was  master  of  the  pro- 
ceedings. Documents  were  read,  also  the  creed  of 
Nicea,  and  a  letter  from  Cyril  to  Nestorius.  "  You 
have  heard  that  letter,"  said  Cyril.  "  I  believe  it  not 
to  be  at  variance  with  the  faith  of  Nicea.     If  your 

'   In  this  account  of  mariolatry  I  follow  Kurtz's  Chii7Xh  Hist.,  v 
§57. 


1 68    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  t 

opinions  are  different,  say  so."  A  hundred  and 
twenty  bishops  expressed  adherence  to  the  doctrine 
of  Cyril,  and  the  rest  manifested  concurrence  by 
acclamation.  Another  letter  by  Nestorius  was  read, 
and  pronounced  to  be  at  variance  with  the  Nicene 
decision.  Then  came  shouts,  "  Anathema  to  the 
heretic  Nestorius !  "  "  Anathema  to  them  who  will 
not  anathematise  him  !  "  Two  professed  friends  of 
the  accused  said,  however  dear  to  them  Nestorius 
was,  Christ  was  dearer.  Extracts  were  read  from 
the  Fathers,  and  sentence  of  excommunication  was 
pronounced  on  the  heretic.  Other  sessions  followed, 
and  the  deliberations  ended.  Troubles,  however, 
were  yet  to  come.  A  message  arrived  from  the 
Emperor,  and  the  bishops  had  to  appear  before  an 
imperial  commissioner.  So  also  had  John  of 
Antioch  after  he  arrived.  The  message  from  the 
Emperor  was  read,  to  the  effect  that  he  approved 
of  the  deposition  of  Nestorius,  and  that  of  Cyril 
also  ! 

As  a  specimen  of  feeling  which  existed  between 
opposite  parties,  Cyril  called  Nestorius  "  a  sleep- 
less beast  plotting  against  Jesus  Christ "  ;  and 
Neale  says  in  a  note,  "  These  words  have  been 
by  most  historians  taken  to  apply  to  Nestorius, 
and    perhaps    they    might    not    untruly    be    said    of 


Ch.III]  POST-NICENE  COUNCILS  169 

him  "  ;  ^  but  the  vehemence  of  his  expressions  against 
Nestorius,  who  was,  at  all  events,  as  yet  uncon- 
demned  by  the  Church,  can  neither  be  justified  nor 
excused.  Popular  feeling  was  on  the  side  of  the 
Council,  and  the  Fathers  were  conducted  by  torch- 
light to  their  several  lodgings.  Women  went  before 
with  perfumes,  and  the  city  was  generally  illu- 
minated. 

The  Emperor  was  not  present  in  the  Council, 
but  he  received  a  deputation  of  eight  members  at 
Chalcedon,  where  he  spent  five  days  in  listening 
to   arguments   on    both   sides.      Upon  his  return  to 


'  Neale,  History  of  the  Holy  Eastern  CJmrch  :  The  Patriarchate 
of  Alexandria,  i.,  p.  256.  L'Abb6and  Mansi  are  great  authorities 
for  Councils  of  the  Church,  and  a  handy  Manual  of  Councils  has 
been  edited  by  Landon.  On  the  Council  of  Ephesus  and  the 
Nestorian  controversy  read  Svvainson's  Nicene  and  Apostles' 
Creeds,  chaps,  viii.  and  ix.  I  find  the  following  incidents  con- 
nected with  the  Council  noticed  by  the  Roman  Catholic  historian 
M.  L'Abbe  Fleury.  They  are  gathered  from  documents  of  the 
period.  "  A  company  of  servants  came  out  and  stopped  some  of 
us,  took  away  our  horses  from  us,  wounded  some,  and  pursued 
us  with  clubs  and  stones  a  great  way."  "  Soldiers  drew  their 
swords  and  took  up  stones,  at  the  same  time  threatening  us." 
One  of  the  parties  said,  "  They  have  twice  put  bills  on  our  houses, 
as  a  mark  that  thej'  intended  to  assault  us.''  "  A  great  tumult  arose 
because  those  who  were  with  St.  Cyril  [that  is,  the  Catholics] 
could  not  bear  the  sight  of  Nestorius  "  (see  vol.  iii.,  pp.  358,  364, 
368,  377). 


lyo    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Fart  II 

Constantinople  his  Majesty  commanded  some  on  the 
orthodox  side  to  attend  him  there,  and  to  conse- 
crate a  bishop  in  the  place  of  Nestorius,  whom  he 
ordered  to  leave  Ephesus  and  reside  in  his  monastery 
near  Antioch.  That  seems  to  have  been  a  main 
result  of  the  proceedings. 

The  absence  of  a  devout  spirit  of  inquiry,  and 
the  presence  of  personal  strife,  on  both  sides,  each 
aiming  at  victory  over  the  other,  are  obvious  enough. 

It  is  easier  to  condemn  Nestorius  on  the  one 
hand,  and  Cyril  on  the  other,  for  language  they 
employed  in  this  controversy,  than  to  form  an 
adequate  theory  respecting  the  union  of  Divinity 
and  humanity  in  Christ.  Hooker  remarks :  "  It  is 
not  in  man's  ability  either  to  express  perfectly,  or 
to  conceive  the  manner,  how  this  [the  union]  was 
brought  about.  But  the  strength  of  our  faith  is 
tried  by  those  things  wherein  our  wits  and  capacities 
are  not  strong.  Howbeit,  because  this  Divine  mys- 
tery is  more  true  than  plain,  divers  having  framed 
the  same  to  their  own  conceits  and  fancies  are 
found  in  their  own  expositions  more  plain  than 
true."^ 

The  grand  old  city  where  the  Council  of  Ephesus 

^  Hooker's  Works,  Keble's  edition,  vol.  ii.,  p.  284. 


Ch.III]  POST-NICENE   COUNCILS  17I 

was  held  has  now  disappeared,  except  in  ruins  left, 
which  it  takes  about  four  hours  to  traverse,  as  I  found 
when  there.  Two  isolated  mountains  rise  on  the 
plain  ;  to  the  north-east  Ayaslouk  is  built,  and  Mont 
Prion  occupies  the  centre  of  the  town.  Ayaslouk  has 
a  beautiful  mosque,  built  at  the  end  of  the  fifteenth 
century ;  and  near  to  this  are  the  remains  of  an 
aqueduct  resting  on  piles  of  white  marble,  covered 
with  inscriptions. 

Another  Council  was  held  at  Ephesus  in  A.D.  449, 
which  has  been  branded  by  the  name  of  the 
"  Robber  Synod."  But  it  is  difficult  to  discover  in 
what  respect,  either  in  the  legality  of  its  convoca- 
tion, or  the  number  and  dignity  of  the  assembled 
prelates,  consists  its  inferiority  to  some  more  honoured 
Councils.  Two  Imperial  Commissioners  attended  to 
maintain  order  amongst  the  bishops,  and  peace  in 
the  city.  Dioscorus,  Patriarch  of  Alexandria,  by  the 
imperial  command  assumed  the  presidency.  No 
less  than  three  hundred  and  sixty  ecclesiastics  were 
present.  Though  adopting  accustomed  formalities, 
it  "  degenerated  into  turbulence  and  personal  con- 
flict. Its  acts  were  marked  with  the  same  indecent 
precipitations  :  questions  were  carried  b}^  factious 
acclamations  within,  and  the  Council  was  overawed 
by    riotous     mobs     without."      Some    of    the    cries 


172    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

recorded  are :  "  Away  with  Eusebius !  Banish 
Eusebius !  Let  him  be  burned  alive  !  As  he  cuts 
asunder  the  two  natures  in  Christ,  so  let  him  be 
cut  asunder !  "  When  the  president  put  the  question, 
"  Is  the  doctrine  that  there  are  two  natures  after 
the  Incarnation  to  be  tolerated?"  the  answer  was, 
"  Anathema  to  him  who  so  says."  Hands  were 
held  up  in  attestation  of  the  cry.  There  was  entire 
unanimity,  a  result  of  interference  on  the  part  of 
soldiery — Dioscorus,  the  Patriarch  of  Alexandria, 
being  the  animating  spirit,  as  he  was  the  presiding 
genius,  of  the  meeting.  One  Flavianus,  attacked  by 
those  present,  died  under  blows  instigated  by  an 
Eutychian   monk,  named  Barsumus.^ 

The  assembly  known  as  the  Fourth  General 
Council  met  in  A.D.  451,  at  Chalcedon — opposite 
Constantinople,^  occupying  about  the  same  local 
position  as  Scutari  does — where  stood  the  well- 
known  hospital  in  the  Crimean  War.  The  orthodox 
doctrine  of  our  Lord's  nature  was  in  opposition  to 
the  heresies  of  Ncstorius  and  Eutyches,  the  former 

'  Barsvimus  brought  with  him  a  thousand  monks  to  the  Robber 
Council.  He  ventured  to  appear  at  Chalcedon  in  451,  when 
he  was  hooted  at  as  a  murderer. 

-  Chalcedon  had  a  suburb,  from  which  the  Synod  of  "  the 
Oak,"  assembled  to  defame  the  character  of  Chrysostom,  derived 
its  name. 


CU.III]  POST-NICENE   COUNCILS  1 73 

separating  and  the  latter  confounding  the  Divine 
and  human  natures  of  the  Saviour.  "  There  is  little," 
says  Dr.  Swainson,  who  made  the  subject  his  special 
study,  "  to  command  our  respect,  apart  from  the 
conduct  of  the  laymen  who  interfered  from  time  to 
time,  although  even  they  occasionally  acted  as 
partisans.  From  the  heatheni.sh  cry  of  the  orthodox 
'  Barsumus  to  the  arena '  (meaning,  as  Fleury,  a 
Roman  Catholic  historian,  quietly  suggests,  '  cast 
him  to  the  lions  of  the  amphitheatre ')  down  to  the 
abject  terror  of  the  Egyptian  bishops,  who  rolled 
themselves  upon  the  pavement,  asking  fruitlessly  for 
compassion  on  their  grey  hairs,  we  see  that  there 
was  no  room  for  debate."  ^ 

This  Council  of  Chalccdon  appears,  according  to 
different  authorities,  to  have  been  a  disgraceful  affair, 
L'Abbe,  in  his  standard  work  on  councils,  says 
respecting  it,  that  when  Theodoret,  Bishop  of 
Cyrus,  and  friend  of  Nestorius,  made  his  appearance, 
'  the  Eastern  prelates  shouted,  "  The  faith  is  destroyed  ; 
cast  out  the  teacher  of  Nestorius."  Egyptians 
shouted,  "  Long  live  the  orthodox  Empress  ;  she  has 
cast  out  Nestorius."  When  Theodoret  had  finished 
a   speech,  the  opposite   party   shouted,  "  Don't   call 


Swainson's  Nicene  and  Apostles'  Creeds,  p.  123. 


174    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

him    a  bishop.     Cast   out    the   fighter   against   God, 
cast  out  the  Jew !  "^ 

This  is  what  took  place  within  the  Council. 
Theodoret,  in  one  of  his  letters  (169),  relates  what 
occurred  outside.  After  saying  what  enormous  crowds 
came  to  hear  him  preach  "  from  a  platform  near 
the  roof,"  he  adds,  "  All  the  clergy,  with  the  excellent 
monks,  were  utterly  opposed  to  me,  so  that  when 
we  came  back,  after  the  visit  of  the  pious  Emperor, 
stone-throwing  began,  and  many  of  my  companions 
were  wounded  by  the  people  and  false  monks." 
That  which  chiefly  injured  Theodoret's  reputation 
was  not  that  he  had  taught  heres}',  but  that  he  was 
a  friend  of  Nestorius,  and  consequently  suspected 
of  sympathy  in  his  views.- 

The  only  bright  spot  we  can  discover  in  connection 
with  the  assembly  at  Chalcedon  is  the  letter  written 
by  Leo,  Bishop  of  Rome,  and  read  to  the  Fathers 
present.  Instead  of  striving  to  penetrate  the 
mystery    of    the     Incarnation,    he    wisely    confined 


'  L'Abbe's  Councils,  iv.,  pp.  102,  103. 

^  Gregory  the  Great  wrote  a  synodical  letter  in  591,  in  which 
he  declares  that  he  received  and  reverenced  the  Four  General 
Councils  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Four  Gospels,  adding,  "  I 
bear  the  same  respect  to  the  fifth." — Fleury,  History,  Book  xxxv., 

13 


Ch.IIl]  POST-NICENE  COUNCILS  175 

himself  to  what  is  revealed  in  Scripture,  where  the 
fact    is    set     forth     for     devout     contemplation     by 
spiritually  minded    readers.     "  From    the    mother    of 
the    Lord    our    nature    was    assumed,    but    not    our 
fault.      Because    the    nativity    was    miraculous,    we 
must  not  view  the  (human)  nature  as  different  from 
ours.      He    that    is    true    God    is    true    man.      Each 
form  (}jbop(^ri)  does  what   is  proper  to  itself,  in   com- 
munion with  the  other  ;  the  Word  doing  that  which 
belongs  to  the  Word,  the  flesh  that  which  belongs  to 
the    flesh.     To  hunger,   to  thirst,  to  be  weary,  and 
to  sleep  are  evidently  human  ;  to  feed  five  thousand 
with  five  loaves,  to  bestow  on  the  Samaritan  woman 
the  living  water,  the  draught  of  which  would   grant 
to    her    that   she   should    thirst    no    more,    to   walk 
over  the  sea  with  footsteps  that  sank  not  in  it,  and 
to   calm   down  the   rising   waves   in    the  storm,  are 
undoubtedly  Divine.     As,  therefore,  it  is  not  of  the 
same   nature    to   weep    in   tender  affection  over  the 
friend  that  was  dead,  and  to  call  that  friend  again 
to  life  when   he  had  been  dead  four  days  ;  to  hang 
upon    the   cross,    and,   turning    light    into   darkness, 
to   make   all    the   elements   tremble ;   to   be   pierced 
with  nails,  and  to  open  the  gates  of  paradise  to  the 
faith  of  the  robber  :  so  it  is  not  of  the  same  nature 
to  say,  '  I  and  the  Father  are  one,'  and  to  say,  '  The 


176    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

Father  is  greater  than  I.'  From  us,  His  is  a  humanity 
less  than  the  Father ;  from  the  Father,  His  is  a 
Divinity  equal  with  the  Father."  ^ 

One  more  General  Council,  so-called,  numbered  as 
the  fifth,  was  held  at  Constantinople  in  A.D.  553. 
Only  one  hundred  and  sixty-four  bishops  were 
present,  and  they  represented  the  Eastern  Church. 
The  meeting  is  often  styled  the  Second  Council  of 
Constantinople.  Vigilius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  protested 
against  it,  and  did  not  attend,  though  he  repeatedly 
received  invitations.  When  his  successor,  Pelagius  I., 
acknowledged  this  Council,  the  Churches  of  Northern 
Italy,  Africa,  and  Illyria  separated  from  Rome,  and 
continued  in  what  was  deemed  a  state  of  schism, 
until  the  time  of  Gregory  I.^ 

In  looking  back  upon  the  Councils  under  review, 
it  is  worth  particular  notice,  that  none  of  them 
actiLally  represented  Christendom  at  large,  the  vastly 


•  The  letter  is  given  in  Leo's  Works,  Migne,  liv.,  Ep.  38,  p.  757. 

2  "  Those  who  appeal  to  the  decisions  of  General  Councils 
ought  to  show  that  the  decisions  are  concordant,  but  it  is  well 
remarked,  '  Practically  the  decrees  of  the  fourth  and  fifth  councils 
are  mutually  inconsistent,  and  it  is  impossible  to  accept  both. 
Theodorus  was  reinstated  at  Chalcedon,  in  spite  of  what  he 
had  written ;  and  what  he  had  written  was  anathematised  at 
Constantinople,  in  spite  of  his  reinstatement." — Select  Library  of 
Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers,  vol.  iii.,  p.  13. 


Ch.  Ill]  POST-NICENE   COUNCILS  1 77 

predominant  character  being  Oriental,  their  appoint- 
ment originating  with  the  temporal,  not  the  ecclesias- 
tical power — for  they  were  summoned  at  the  imperial 
bidding.  That  at  Nicea  was  theological  in  spirit 
and  form,  but  disciplinary  also  in  result,  excluding 
Arians  from  the  Church  ;  the  Council  of  Ephesus 
was  decidedly  doctrinal,  but  it  took  practically  a 
disciplinary  form  by  pronouncing  Nestorius  a  heretic 
and  casting  him  out  of  the  Church.  The  next 
meeting  at  Chalcedon  decided  the  orthodox  doctrine 
of  our  Lord's  person,  in  opposition  to  Nestorian 
and  Eutychian  heresies,  and  was  signalised  by 
the  reading  of  Leo's  admirable  letter.  This  last 
Council  which  comes  within  our  notice  was  greatly 
under  the  control  of  the  Emperor  Justinian,  who 
wished  to  establish  supremacy  over  dogmatic  con- 
clusions— in  fact  a  superiority  in  this  respect  of 
Constantinople  to  Rome. 

Anathema  is  a  term  which  bristles  up  ever  and 
anon  in  proceedings  of  Councils.  What  exactly  it 
meant,  what  were  the  penalties  included  in  it,  are 
questions  discussed  by  learned  churchmen.  The 
malediction  certainly  included  a  total  separation  of 
heretics  from  the  Church ;  not  only  from  local 
Churches  where  they  worshipped,  but  from  the 
Catholic    Church     at     large.       Separation    involved 

12 


178    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  11 

serious  social  punishments,  together  with  those  which 
were  ecclesiastical.  No  orthodox  person  was  per- 
mitted to  have  intercourse  with  the  heterodox. 
None  of  the  latter  could  give  evidence  in  an  eccle- 
siastical court  against  one  of  the  other  class  ;  nor 
were  they  entitled  to  succeed  in  a  family  inherit- 
ance.^ The  civil  law  gave  force  to  the  decree  that 
heretics  should  be  stripped  of  the  power  of  making 
their  wills.  After  the  sixth  century,  penalties  for 
the  anathematised  became  more  severe  A  question 
has  arisen  whether  anathemas  included  a  curse, 
along  with  excommunication.  Prebendary  Thorn- 
dike  thought  the  Fathers  and  Councils  did  not 
imprecate  heretics,  praying  for  their  destruction,  and 
quotes  from  Vincentius  :  "  Let  him  be  anathema,  that 
is,  let  him  be  severed,  set  aside,  shut  out,  lest  the 
direful  contagion  of  one  sheep,  with  any  mixture  of 
venom,  stain  the  innocent." "  At  best  this  only 
includes  what  it  did  not  ineaii,  while  a  meaning  most 
unchristian  remains  sufficiently  obvious. 


'  Bingham's  Works,  vol.  vi.,  pp.  250,  261,  264. 

^  Thorndike's  Works,  II.,  part  i.,  p.  340.  But  Swaiiison 
remarks  in  his  book  on  Niccnc  and  Apostolic  Creeds,  p.  105  : 
"  The  anathematising  of  a  layman  was,  at  the  Council  ol 
Ephesus,  considered  to  be  a  punishment  of  the  same  class 
as   the   deposition   of  a   bishop  or   clerk.      It   can  scarcely   be 


Ch.IlI]  POST-NICENE   COUNCILS  1 79 

What  I  have  just  been  describing  relates  to 
General,  or  so-called  Ecuinem'cal,  Councils,  though 
they  really  did  not  reach  the  nominal  extent. 
Other  minor  councils  were  held,  at  which  I  glance 
before  closing  this  chapter. 

Dupin  gives  an  account  of  councils  which  were 
local  and  limited,  held  in  the  fifth  century  at 
different  places  within  the  limits  of  France — such 
as  Orange,  Aries,  Anjou,  Tours,  etc.  In  these  con- 
claves decisions  were  reached,  as  to  the  ordination 
of  priests,  local  Church  matters  requiring  settlement, 
in  relation  to  morals  and  manners.  Canonical 
questions  of  various  kinds  came  before  such 
gatherings,  and  no  doubt  excited  local  interest ; 
cases  occur  manifesting  pastoral  attention  and 
minuteness  of  oversight,  as  to  the  conduct  of 
priests  and  parishioners,  beyond  what  we  might 
expect.^ 

We  find  when  Gaul  was  divided  between  Franks, 


conceived  that  at  this  time  (a.d.  431)  the  penalty  was  considered 
to  involve  eternal  consequences.  On  the  contrary,  the  rules 
were  very  precise — a  heretic  might  be  admitted  to  communion 
on  his  death-bed."     But  the  question  arises,  on  what  terms  ? 

^  Dupin's  Hist,  of  Eccl.  Writers,  vol.  iii.  Much  curious  infor- 
mation as  to  minor  ecclesiastical  matters  may  be  gleaned  from 
Fleury's  Eccl.  Hist.,  vol.  iv. 


l8o    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

Burgundians,  and  Goths,  the  kings  of  one  nation  were 
not  willing  to  let  their  bishops  attend  councils  held  by 
another  division.  Ancient  forms  of  episcopal  election 
were  recommended ;  and  in  this  matter  it  would 
appear  that  Church  and  State  were  not  in  perfect 
harmony.  We  find  minute  regulations  recorded  with 
regard  to  Sabbath  observance  and  Church  customs. 
People  were  not  permitted  to  travel  on  Sunday  with 
horses,  cattle,  and  carriages.  "  Our  will,"  says  one 
canon  of  a  council  in  Gaul,  "  is  that  people  refrain 
from  tilling  ground,  pruning  vines,  mowing  grass, 
and  making  hedges,  that  they  may  have  more  time 
to  attend  church."  People  present  at  Divine  service 
were  not  to  wear  swords,  except  in  time  of  war  or 
when  on  journeys  ;  and  laymen  were  not  to  leave 
worship  till  the  Lord's  Prayer  was  said  and  the 
benediction  given.^ 

Sometimes,  in  Wales  for  instance,  councils  became 
courts  of  justice,  and  it  is  on  record  that  at  Llandaff, 
sentence  of  excommunication  was  pronounced  on  a 
king  of  Glamorgan  for  having  slain  another  king,  and 
two  others  for  killing  certain  relatives.  Settlement 
of  disputes  between  individuals  was  accomplished 
in    connection    with   these    meetings,   also    censures 

'  Fleury,  Eccl.  Hist.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  142. 


Ch.  Ill]  POST-NICENE  COUNCILS  i8t 

were  pronounced,  pardons  bestowed,  and  justifica- 
tions of  conduct  declared.  Councils  were  frequent : 
fifteen  were  held  at  Constantinople  before  the  end 
of  the  sixth  century  ;  and  I  find  altogether  more 
than  three  hundred  occurred  before  the  close  of 
that  period. 

Churches  or  halls  of  assembly  such  as  might 
exist  in  those  days,  we  may  make  visible  to  our 
imagination,  but  the  character  of  debaters  and 
listeners  we  cannot  penetrate.  Some  historical 
persons  taking  part  in  debate,  we  are  somewhat 
acquainted  with ;  but  as  to  people  listening  and 
reaching  conclusions,  we  are  utterly  at  a  loss. 


CHAPTER   IV 

EASTERN  SEES,   BISHOPS,    AND  FAMILIES 

I.  T  T  7 HEN  Christendom  was  established  Con- 
V  V  stantine  founded  dl  Jerusalem  the  Church 
of  the  Holy  Sepulchre.  He  desired  the  building 
should  surpass  all  churches  in  the  world  by  the 
beauty  of  its  walls,  columns,  and  marbles.  It 
answered,  we  are  told,  to  prophecies  in  Scripture 
of  the  New  Jerusalem,  and  was  built,  as  supposed, 
over  the  tomb  of  our  Lord.  Eusebius  describes  it 
as  overlaid  with  gold,  the  crowning  part  being  the 
altar,  which  rose  to  the  summit  of  the  roof.  Porticoes 
were  on  each  side  of  the  court. 

Constantine's  mother,  Helena,  visited  the  Holy 
City,  and  there  discovered  the  house  of  Caiaphas  ; 
but  the  "  invention  of  the  Cross,"  as  she  regarded 
it,  was  the  crowning  result  of  her  researches.  Cyril 
was  Bishop  of  Jerusalem  at  that  time.  He  has  left 
his  catechetical  lectures  as  records  of  his  theological 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      183 

teaching — orthodox  on  the  whole,  but  very  rudi- 
mentary. He  has  much  to  say  in  his  thirteenth 
lecture  respecting  the  burial  of  Christ ;  but  he  is  so 
absorbed  in  the  spiritual  side  of  his  subject  that  he 
settles  no  question  as  to  the  archaeology  of  the 
sepulchre.  My  inquiries  when  I  was  in  the  church 
which  bears  that  name  led  me  to  no  decision  of  the 
question  which  has  so  long  puzzled  antiquarians.^ 

II.  The  disciples  were  called  Christians  first  at 
AntiocJi  is  a  landmark  in  ecclesiastical  history,  and 
we  are  told  of  a  church  there  at  an  early  period, 
which  stood  in  the  centre  of  a  large  court,  and  was 
octangular  in  shape.  The  floor  was  paved  with 
polished  marbles  ;  walls  and  columns  were  adorned 
with  images  and  precious  stones. 

Comparatively  recent  explorations  have  revealed 
much  which  enables  us  to  imatrine  what  existed  on 


'  The  impression  made  by  trustworthy  accounts  of  the  moral 
and  religious  state  of  the  Jerusalem  inhabitants  and  pilgrims 
in  the  fourth  century  is  very  sad.  A  letter  written  at  that  time 
by  Gregory  of  Nyssa  is  sufficient  proof  of  this. 

Villemain,  in  his  Tableau  dc  V Eloquetice  Chretienne  a7i  IV. 
Steele,  p.  Ill,  has  a  notice  of  Gregory  Nyssa.  It  is  curious  to 
find  that  this  Gregory,  who  was  one  oi'  the  pillars  of  the  Churcli 
in  the  Constantinopolitan  Council,  is  regarded  by  some  critics  as 
a  universalist.  See  Farrar's  Lives  of  the  Fathers,  "  Gregory  of 
Nyssa." 


1 84    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

mountains  between  Antioch,  Aleppo,  and  Apameia 
at  the  time.  We  are  told  of  more  than  a  hundred 
and  fifty  cities  within  a  space  of  thirty  or  forty 
leagues,  with  houses,  galleries,  and  subterranean 
kitchens  ;  also  of  churches  flanked  with  towers  and 
surrounded  by  tombs,  crosses,  and  sculptures  testify- 
ing Gospel  triumphs  in  early  ages.  The  ancient 
Emesa — metropolis  of  the  province — on  the  right 
bank  of  the  Orontes,  had  under  the  Emperor 
Constantinus  a  church  built  there  renowned  for 
beauty.  A  few  years  ago  a  noble  basilica  could  be 
identified  as  having  stood  on  the  spot,  with  five 
bays,  divided  by  double  columns.  What  remained 
of  it  lately  was  used  for  Divine  worship  by  Dionysius 
the  Bishop.  Other  buildings,  with  Greek  inscrip- 
tions, are  still  found  in  that  Mohammedan  country, 
testifying  to  an  early  existence  there  of  the  Christian 
religion.  Lingering  upon  ancient  ruins  there  are 
still  to  be  found  words  such  as  "  Christ  is  with  us," 
"  The  Lord  preserve  thy  coming  in  and  thy  going 
out  from  this  time  and  for  evermore."  Such  in- 
scriptions demonstrate  the  existence  of  Christianity 
in  that  country  before  Mohammedan  times. 

We  now  turn  to  memorials  of  men  with  whom 
we  are  more  familiar  than  with  these  architectural 
remains. 


Ch.  IV]    EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      185 

In  the   middle  of  the  fourth  century,  there  lived 
at  Antioch  a  widow  lady  named  Arethusa,  left  with 
a  little  boy,  who  in  his  manhood  became  a  master 
of  Greek  eloquence,  and  stayed  its  "  sun  from  going 
down  a  whole  day."     The  city  professed  Christianity  ; 
but  as  to  a  large  part  of  the  population,  this  was 
little    more    than    nominal.     In    the    great  Eastern 
cities  of  the   empire,  especially    Antioch   and    Con- 
stantinople,   the     mass     of     a     so-called    Christian 
population  was  largely  infected  by  dominant  vices — 
inordinate   luxury,  sensuality,   avarice,   and    display. 
Christianity   was    in    part   paganised    before    it    had 
made  appreciable   progress  towards   the   destruction 
of  ancient    Paganism.     But  the   sincere   and  ardent 
piety  of  many  amongst  the  women  in  the  city  kept 
alive  a  flame  of  faith  which  would  otherwise   have 
been  smothered.^     When  Chrysostom  was  a  child  the 
fire   burnt    brightly  on    the    hearth-stone  where   he 
played. 

At  a  very  early  age  Chrysostom  was  ordained 
a  Scripture-reader.  Theodosius  the  Great  was 
associated  with  Gratian  in  the  empire  in  379,  and  we 
are  told  that  about  that  period  Antioch  contained 
100,000  inhabitants,  3,000  of  whom   were    supported 

'  Neale's  Patriarchate  of  Antioch,  edited  by  Williams,  xxi., 
et  seq. 


1 86    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

out  of  the  public  oblations.^  We  may  judge  from 
this  circumstance  the  position  of  Antioch  in  Chry- 
sostom's  day. 

He  soon  made  a  deep  impression  on  the  citizens, 
especially  by  the  delivery  of  his  famous  "  Homilies  on 
the  Statues."  A  riot  had  occurred  in  the  city,  and 
the  mob  broke  into  pieces  statues  of  the  Emperor 
Theodosius  and  his  wife. 

The  incident  deeply  affected  Chrysostom,  and  he 
delivered  a  course  of  sermons  on  the  occasion. 
They  could  not  fail  to  produce  an  impression.  He 
touched  on  the  sins  of  citizens  ;  the  fortitude  and 
patience  of  loyal  people  ;  the  duty  of  obeying  magis- 
trates ;  thanksgivings  due  for  deliverance  from 
calamity,  and  the  return  of  their  bishop  after  a 
satisfactory  interview  with  the  Emperor.  It  is 
remarkable  that  in  almost  all  these  sermons  are 
rebukes  for  profane  swearing. 

The  state  of  Antioch  at  the  time  was  far  from 
satisfactory,  and  a  vast  amount  of  superstition  seems 
to  have  been  a  besetting  sin  of  people  there  ;  a 
century  afterwards  and  more,  the  historian  Evagrius 
tells   a   story   which    shows    how    Antioch   and    the 


1  Gibbon's  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire  (Milman's 
Edition),  i.,  p.  514. 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      187 

neighbourhood    had     been    steeped     in    beliefs    and 
practices  most  absurd. 

Evagrius  had  a  decided  taste  for  the  marvellous, 
and  describes  a  visit  he  paid  to  the  famous  pillar 
saint,  Simeon,  and  saw  the  rustics  dancing  round, 
whilst  "  a  star  shot  along  the  balustrade  " — an  inci- 
dent occurring  "only  on  the  commemorations  of 
the  saint."  '  In  a  page  close  to  the  notice  of  this 
marvel,  the  historian  records  the  translation  of  "  the 
Divine  Ignatius,"  or  the  "  more  solid  bones  of  the 
martyr,"  from  Rome  to  Antioch,  where  a  temple 
was  raised  to  his  honour.  Hence  followed  a  public 
festival  which  was  periodically  maintained  down  to 
the  days  when  Evagrius  lived,  and  was  sanctioned 
by  even  the  prelate  Gregory."  The  historian  also 
relates  a  display  at  Apameia  of  the  life-giving  wood 
of  the  cross,  which  Evagrius  was  permitted  to  adore 
and  kiss,  after  which  a  blaze  burst  out  of  "  unconsuming 
fire,"  not  once  or  twice,  but  as  often  as  "  the  priest 
made  a  circuit  of  the  place."  The  same  authority 
states  that  miracles  were  wrought  there  by  "  Zozimus 
and  John."  ^  The  narrator  speaks  of  the  sacred 
head  which  had  belonged  to  a  pillar  saint— a  relic 
regarded  as  a  protection  of  the  Eastern  army — "  Not 

^  Eccl.  Hist.,  \.,  13.         -  Ibid.,  i.,  16.         ^  Ibid.,  iv.,  7. 


1 88    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Pnrt  II 

a  hair  had  perished,"  we  are  told,  "  but  was  in  the 
same  state  as  when  the  saint  was  alive."  *  Such 
were  beliefs  in  the  neighbourhood  when  Evagrius 
was  young,  whose  birth  has  been  fixed    about  A.D. 

536. 

This  date  is  much  later  than  Chrysostom's  time, 
but  it  shows  the  superstition  which  existed  after  he 
left  the  city  and  neighbourhood.  Perhaps,  with  all 
his  powerful  appeals  in  many  ways,  he  did  little  to 
check  the  tide  in  that  direction.  Indeed,  with  all  his 
intellectual  power  and  eloquence,  like  others  of 
ecclesiastical  influence,  Chrysostom  failed  to  detect 
and  expose  superstition,  which  increased  after  he 
was  gone,  and  deluged  dark  ages  with  a  flood  of 
mischief. 

III.  Constantinople. — Gregory  Nazianzen  in  A.D. 
379  was  invited  to  Constantinople.  In  a  poem  he 
left  behind  him  he  says  of  the  Church  at  that  time : 
"  It  had  passed  through  the  death  of  infidelity,  and 
there  was  left  but  the  last  breath  of  life."  He  said 
he  had  come  to  the  city  to  defend  the  faith  ;  and 
what  the  people  needed  was  solid  teaching,  to  deliver 
them  from  the  spider  webs  of  subtlety  in  which  they 
had  been  caught.     Constantinople  was  in  a  miserably 

>  Eccl.  Hist.,  l,  13. 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      189 

divided  state.  The  fact  was  Arianism  and  other 
errors  had  taken  possession  of  the  place  ;  and  the 
prospect  before  Gregory,  when  he  entered  upon  his 
new  charge,  was  by  no  means  inviting.  He  occupied 
a  house  where  he  lodged  and  preached,  and  this  he 
called  the  Neui  Shiloh.  "  There,"  he  said,  "  the  ark  was 
fixed  after  its  forty  years'  wandering  in  the  desert."  ^ 

The  Emperor  Theodosius  turned  Arians  out  of 
churches,  and  bestowed  the  episcopate  on  Gregory, 
who,  as  a  man  of  retired  habits  and  contemplative 
tastes,  was  not  at  all  fitted  for  that  position.  It  is 
said  he  neighed  like  a  stabled  horse  for  green  pas- 
tures. Ullman,  in  his  Life  of  Gregory,  quotes  one  of 
his  dreams  as  an  index  to  his  character.  "  Sweet 
sleep  embraced  me,  and  in  it  a  dream  presented  to 
my  mind  my  church  Anastasia,  the  object  of  my 
daily  longing.  I  was  seated,  as  it  appeared  to  me, 
on  a  high-raised  chair.  Somewhat  lower  on  either 
side  of  me  sat  the  presbyters — leaders  of  the  flock. 
Next  stood,  in  robes  of  dazzling  whiteness,  the 
deacons,  a  picture  of  angelic  adornment.  The  people 
arranged  themselves  in  ranks,  clustering  like  bees 
around  the  pulpit,  pressing  for  nearer  access.  Others 
flocked  in   from  the  market  towns  and  highways  to 

'    Orat.,  xlii.,  26;  Opera,  i.,  766. 


19°    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOlVS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 


hear  my  discourse  ;  while  from  the  upper  range  of 
seats  holy  virgins  and  noble  ladies  bent  forward  with 
attentive  ears." 

Gregory  Nazianzen  is  far  too  interesting  a  person 
to  be  lost  sight  of  on  leaving  Constantinople.  He 
was  not  likely  to  please  the  people  of  that  city. 
"  They  wanted  '  a  king  like  the  nations,'  a  man  who 
had  a  presence,  who  would  figure  and  parade  and 
rustle  in  silk  ;  some  Lord  Mayor's  preacher  or  West 
End  divine,  who  could  hold  forth  and  lay  down  the 
law,  and  be  what  is  thought  dignified  and  grand  ; 
whereas  they  had  no  one  but  poor,  dear,  good  Gregory, 
a  monk  of  Nazianzus,  a  personage  who,  in  spite  of 
his  acknowledged  learning  and  eloquence,  was  but  a 
child,  had  no  knowledge  of  the  world,  no  manners, 
no  conversation,  and  no  address."  ^  He  returned  to 
his  native  city,  and  found  things  in  confusion  there, 
whereupon  he  strove  to  reduce  them  to  order,  and 
then  retired  to  Arianzus,  with  its  shady  wood  and  a 
fountain — his  favourite  walk.  There  he  died  in  389 
or  390. 

Untoward  incidents  occurred.  The  second  general 
council  was  held  at  Constantinople,  which  we  have 
noticed  already,'-^  and  must  hasten  on  to  the  episcopate 

'  Newman's  Hist.  Sketches,  ii.,  p.  84,  ^  See  p.  163. 


Ch.  IV]    EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      igt 

of  Chrysostom,  who  entered  on  his  ministry  at  Con- 
stantinople, where  he  was  elected  as  Archbishop 
and  afterwards  enthroned,  A.D.  398. 

Let  us  imagine  the  church  where  he  preached. 
Not  a  vestige  remains  of  the  original  St.  Sophia 
built  by  Constantine ;  that  was  burnt  during  a  riot 
in  Chrysostom's  time.  As  we  approach  the  edifice 
where  he  ministered,  we  find  beggars  lying  by  the 
roadside,  and  can  picture  the  preacher  ascending 
his  pulpit.  The  great  and  noble  are  present  to  hear 
him,  and  among  them  are  ladies  in  costly  attire  who 
have  come  in  gilded  chariots  drawn  by  white  horses. 
There  they  sit  in  their  pomp  and  glory,  careful  lest 
their  dresses  be  rumpled  and  spoiled.  Gentlemen,  too, 
are  there  with  their  slaves,  making  themselves  con- 
spicuous and  important  by  their  manner  of  wearing 
the  toga.  The  preacher  begins,  and  his  eloquence 
soon  evokes  a  demonstration  of  delight  ;  clapping  is 
heard  throughout  the  building.  You  might  fancy 
yourself  in  a  theatre.  Looking  round  sternly,  the 
orator  exclaims,  "  Many  testify  their  delight  at  our 
discourse  by  their  applause,  and  then  hasten  to  the 
circus  to  speed  on  the  games  with  louder  cheers." 
"  I  desire  not  your  clamour,"  he  said,  "  but  that 
you  hear  me  with  calmness  and  attend  to  my 
admonitions." 


192    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Reproof,  however,  only  elicits  fresh  acclamations, 
to  be  put  down  by  stronger  rebukes.  Men  come 
to  light  the  lamps,  and  the  attention  of  the  con- 
gregation is  at  once  diverted.  "  While  1  explain 
the  Scriptures,  you  turn  away  your  eyes  to  the 
lamps  and  the  lighters.  How  great  an  indifference ! 
I  kindle  for  you  the  light  of  Scripture  ;  on  my  tongue 
burns  the  fire  of  instruction."  ^ 

The  sermon  over,  the  people  hurry  away  before 
the  prayers.  "  Your  hurrying  away,"  he  says,  "  the 
moment  my  sermon  is  ended  shows  that  none  of 
my  words  have  been  received  and  treasured  up  in 
your  souls,  or  they  would  have  detained  you  and 
led  you  to  receive  the  holy  mysteries  with  reverence. 
Some  who  tarry  listen  mechanically  to  the  prayers. 
Then  pressing  one  against  another,  many  leave  the 
church ;  and  even  those  who  remain  to  the  com- 
munion include  some  who  are  irreverent." 

Pickpockets  avail  themselves  of  a  crowded  con- 
gregation to  ply  their  trade.  Confusion  at  church 
equalled  hubbub  at  baths.     Chat,  joke,  and  repartee 

'  For  examples  of  the  kind  selected,  see  Homilies  on  i  Cor- 
inthians, Nos.  xxxvi.,  xxxix.,  xl.  ;  Ephesians,  vi.,  xv.,  xx. ; 
Matthew,  xxx.,  xlix.  Villemain,  Tableau  de  rEloqiience  Chre- 
tienne  au  IV.  Steele.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  well-known 
prayer  of  Chrysostom,  at  the  close  of  Morning  and  Evening 
Service  in  the  Church  of  England,  begins  with  "  Almighty  God," 


Ch.  IV]    EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES       193 

mingled  with  laughter  during  prayer.  Woe  to  any 
unpopular  preacher  who  took  the  bishop's  place  ; 
he  was  pretty  sure  to  be  hooted.  Such  was  the 
character  of  those  who  came  to  the  Easter  com- 
munion, and  amongst  them  were  some  addicted  to 
gross  vice. 

As  regards  Chrysostom's  doctrine,  whilst  ortho- 
dox according  to  the  Nicene  Creed,  it  did  not 
include  those  views  of  Divine  grace  which  Augustine 
held.  Chrysostom  believed  in  free-will,  and  was 
touched  by  Pelagian  ideas,  though  he  believed  in 
the  mediation  and  atonement  of  Christ.  He  did 
not  distinguish  between  justification  and  holiness, 
but  took  a  broad  view  of  both.  So  far  there  was  no 
difference  between  him  and  the  Bishop  of  Hippo  ; 
though  certainly  these  two  on  other  important 
subjects  moved  along  different  lines. 

Passages  might  be  cited  which  lean  in  a  Pelagian 
direction,  yet  Chrysostom  could  say  in  relation  to 
the  riches  of  Divine  grace,  "  It  is  as  though  one  should 
take   a  miserable    leper,  and    transform   him    into  a 

and  then  includes  the  words,  "  and  dost  promise  that  when 
two  or  three  are  gathered  together  in  Tliy  na7?ie  Thou  wilt  grant 
their  requests."  These  are  words  of  Jesus  Christ.  The  true  and 
proper  Divinity  of  our  Lord  is  distinctly  recognised — an  important 
fact  in  the  historical  theology  of  the  fourtJi  century. 

13 


194    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

youth  of  surpassing  beauty,  with  lustrous  cheeks 
and  eyes  like  sunbeams,  and  then,  in  the  flower  of 
his  age,  to  clothe  him  with  purple,  and  crown  him 
with  the  diadem  of  royalty."  "  Far  more  than  we 
sinners  owe,  Christ  hath  paid,  as  much  more  as  an 
ocean  exceeds  a  drop." 

What  strikes  me  as  wonderful  in  Chrysostom's 
preaching  is  the  thorough  reality  of  what  he  says. 
He  does  not  give  a  poet's  dream  or  a  philosopher's 
speculation,  but  realities — objects  seen  and  felt,  not 
like  a  starlight  night,  but  as  a  noonday  sun. 

Further,  as  to  the  substance  of  Chrysostom's 
preaching,  we  find  that  he  believed  in  the  intercession 
of  departed  saints,  and  urged  his  hearers  to  seek 
their  help.  "  Let  us  constantly  visit  them,"  he  says, 
"  touch  their  shrines,  and  with  faith  embrace  their 
relics,  that  we  may  derive  blessings  from  them." 
"  Let  us,  not  only  on  their  festivals,  but  at  other 
times,  invoke  them  to  become  our  protectors  ;  for  they 
can  use  much  boldness  of  speech  when  dead  ;  more, 
indeed,  than  when  they  were  alive  (for  now  they  bear 
in  their  bodies  the  marks  of  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ). 
Let  us,  therefore,  procure  for  ourselves,  through  them, 
favours  from  God."  ^     Moreover  he  believed  departed 

^  Horn.  i7t  Invent,  et  Maxim. — Stephens'  Life  of  Ckrysostom, 
p.  187. 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      195 

souls  were  benefited  by  prayers  on  the  part  of 
survivors.  "  Let  us  assist  them,"  he  exclaimed, 
"  according  to  our  power."  "  When  the  people  stand 
with  uplifted  hands,  a  priestly  assembly,  and  the 
awful  sacrifice  lies  displayed,  how  shall  we  not 
prevail  with  God  on  their  behalf."  ^ 

Chrysostom  describes  the  monastic  life  of  his  day : 
"  The  cock  crows,  all  reverently  rise,  and,  lifting  up 
hands,  sing  a  hymn,  suitable  and  full  of  the  love 
of  God.  When  day  is  coming  on  they  have  a 
season  of  rest,  and  then  proceed  to  the  reading 
of  Scripture.  At  the  third,  sixth,  and  ninth  hours 
they  perform  their  devotions.  Instead  of  hastening 
to  the  baths  when  relieved  from  their  labours,  they 
betake  themselves,  not  to  highly  seasoned  dishes, 
but  to  bread  and  salt,  herbs  and  pulse.  After  a 
short  lime  they  go  to  rest,  on  a  bed  made  for  repose? 
not  luxury.  They  fear  no  robbers,  and  when  they 
die  are  carried  to  the  grave  with  hymns.  There  is 
thanksgiving,  joy,  and  great  glory."  -  I  have  con- 
densed the  preacher's  description. 

The  discourses  of  Chrysostom  are  described  as 
being  simple,  inartificial,  popular,  and  sometimes 
conversational. 

'  Horn.  IV.,  on  Epistle  to  Phili[ipians. 
'  Hovz.  XIV.,  on  I  Timothy. 


196    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Chrysostom  has  bequeathed  a  number  of  letters 
belonging  to  the  period  of  his  banishment.  They 
arc  addressed  to  his  deaconesses,  for  whom  profound 
respect  is  blended  with  pure  affection.  Others  are 
written  to  bishops,  presbyters,  deacons,  monks, 
missionaries,  and  friends,  besides  acquaintances 
attached  in  the  course  of  his  journey. 

We  meet  with  passages  in  the  course  of  this 
correspondence  which  show  how  widely  remote 
Chrysostom  was  from  the  mind  and  taste  of  our 
own  times  in  some  points,  although  in  others  he 
seems  so  congenial.  "  He  lived  when  the  minds  of 
Christians  had  for  generations  been  inured  to  scenes 
of  persecution,"  and  "  fierce  opposition  of  party 
against  party  "  ;  and  people,  however  amiable  and 
gentle  by  nature,  become  infected  by  the  prevailing 
mode  of  thought.  He  "  would  look  at  things,  more 
or  less,  from  the  same  point  of  view  as  the  generality 
of  men  amongst  whom  he  lived."  ^ 

He  asks  for  funds  to  support  charities  he  had 
established  ;  now  returning  thanks  for  letters,  next 
complaining  of  silence  ;  here  stimulating  hope,  and 
there  requesting  prayer.      His  correspondence  is  an 


'  SL   Chrysostom,  his  Life  and  Times,   by    Rev.    W.    R.    W, 
Stephens,  pp.  388,  389 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      197 

index  to  his  inner  life,  such  as  we  possess  for  few 
historical  names.  We  are  able  to  trace  him  from  stage 
to  stage  on  a  perilous  journey  to  his  place  of  exile, 
sometimes  conveyed  in  a  palanquin,  a  mule  before, 
and  a  mule  behind.  For  some  distance  he  travels 
through  a  beautiful  country,  watered  and  clothed 
with  fertility  ;  but  in  the  latter  part  of  his  journey 
different  scenery  produces  a  corresponding  effect 
on  the  exile's  sensitive  nature. 

He  writes  to  Christian  ladies — Olympias  and 
Theodora.  We  find,  in  one  of  these  letters,  a  tone 
of  defiance  towards  the  Empress,  like  what  had 
burst  out  in  his  sermons  ;  but  his  general  mode  of 
expression  is  that  of  patient  endurance.  The 
arrival  of  Sabiniana,  a  deaconess,  who  cheered 
him  when  he  reached  his  destination  at  Cucusus,  is 
noticed  with  joy  in  an  epistle  he  sends  to  his  friend 
Olympias  :  "  My  lady  arrived  here  the  day  I  did 
knocked  up,  thoroughly  wearied,  being  of  advanced 
age,  when  travel  is  toilsome,  yet  in  earnestness  like  a 
girl."  It  is  very  touching  to  find,  after  reading  one  of 
his  letters  where  he  complains  of  a  man's  silence,  that 
this  poor  fellow  was  at  the  time  scourged  and  racked. 

Chrysostom's  adventures  on  his  journey  to 
Cappadocia  were  alarming.  Freebooters  infested  the 
pass  of  Mount  Taurus.     They  were  an  Isaurian  race, 


igS    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

wild  and  barbarous,  and  we  do  not  wonder  that  he  met 
with  such  people,  but  we  are  startled  to  learn  he  was 
actually  assailed  by  a  band  of  monks  at  Csesarea. 
He  says  :  "  Nothing  availed  to  stop  their  violence  ; 
they  even  frightened  the  soldiers  of  the  prefecture.  .  .  . 
The  Mayor  of  the  city  heard  what  was  going  on  and 
hastened  to  assist,"  but  these  "  wild  beasts,"  so 
Chrysostom  calls  them,  "  would  not  listen  to  the 
magistrate."  The  absence  in  Chrysostom's  corre- 
spondence of  severe  reflections  on  his  persecutors  is 
very  remarkable,  and  bears  witness  to  his  Christian 
spirit.  After  disappointed  hopes  of  returning  to  his 
flock,  he  died  on  the  borders  of  the  Euxine  Sea.^ 

The  last  days  of  this  great  preacher  were  filled 
with  trouble.  His  boldness  displeased  her  Majesty. 
The  royal  enmity  he  resented,  and  spoke  of  eating  at 
Jezebel's  table  so  as  to  leave  no  doubt  who  Jezebel  was. 

Once  he  mounted  his  ambo,  exclaiming,  "  Herodias 
is  dancing  and  calls  for  the  head  of  John  in  a 
charger."  "  Herodias "  was  believed  to  mean  her 
Majesty ;  still  it  is  possible  the  preacher  only  meant 
to  refer  to  the  Scripture  narrative.  Certainly  he  had 
enemies,  at  home  and  abroad,  who  warped  his  words 
into  the  worst  meaning  ;  and,  by  their  combination, 

1  Epistles,  9,  lo,  12,  14,  120 — 137,  and  many  others. 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      1 99 


a  meeting  known  as  the  "  Synod  of  the  Oak  "  formally 
degraded  and  deposed  the  preacher.  Many  citizens 
were  prevented  from  interposing  on  his  behalf  by  a 
private  surrender  of  himself  into  the  hands  of  his 
enemies. 

IV.  From  Constantinople  we  now  travel  to  Csesarea, 
a  city  of  Cappadocia,  an  important  place  during  the 
later  empire,  said  to  contain  a  population  of  nearly 
half  a  million  ;    but  such  a  report  must  be  received 
with    allowance,  at  a  period  when  taking    a   census 
was  mainly  guesswork.     The    historian  Eusebius,  to 
whom   we  are  so  much  indebted  for  what  we  know 
of    the    Christian    Church,    was    Bishop   of    Cassarea 
from  about  313  to  the  end  of  339,  but  his  episcopal 
labours  do  not  appear  to  have  been  remarkable.     He 
was  succeeded  by  Basil,  who  figures  conspicuously  in 
the  annals  of  his  age.     He  was  a  remarkable  member 
of  a  remarkable  family.    Grandson  of  a  saintly  woman 
named  Macrina,  he  used  to  tell  how  much  he  owed  to 
her  early  love  and  teaching,  who,  to  use  his  own  words, 
'  formed  and  fashioned  him  by  her  pious  doctrine." 
He  had  a  sister,  also  named  Macrina,  in  saintliness  a 
copy  of  her  grandmother,   and  whose  sympathy  he 
shared  in  one  illness  after  another ;  so  that  "  a  child 
could  sec  his  body  was  like  a  shell,  and  he  must  soon 
die,  unless  God  spared  him  for  further  repentance." 


200    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

He  describes  himself  as  timid  and  reserved,  wanting 
spirit,  and   of  sluggish  temperament,  "  the  common 
defect  of  Cappadocians."    "  I  am  ashamed  to  tell  you,' 
he  once  wrote,  "  how  I   pass  night  and  day  in  this 
lonely  nook,  resembling  one  angry  with  his  ship,  as 
too  much  tossed,  and  who  leaves  it  for  a  boat,  in 
which  he  finds  himself  sick  and  miserable."     Full  of 
trouble,  he  was  always  seeking  rest,  and  finding  none. 
His  life,  according  to  his  own  complaints,  abounded 
in  sorrow,  "  disease  making  him  tender  as  a  plant  and 
chaining  him  down  to  a  single  spot,"  yet  he  was  full 
of  playfulness  with    friends  and    relations.       Withal 
he  appears  to  have  been  self-contained  and  sensitive, 
though  courageous  ;  full  of  complaints,  yet  cheerful, 
and  thanking  God  for  everything ;  from  first  to  last 
unworldly  and  devout ;    in  weakness   submissive,  in 
health  at  work  for  the  Church's  help  and  God's  glory. 
There  was  a    touch    of    humour  in    his  complaints. 
When  an    angry  official    threatened   to  tear  out  his 
liver,  if  he  did  not  yield  in  a  certain  dispute,  "  I  should 
be  much  obliged  if  you  would  do  so,"  was  his  reply, 
"  for  my  liver  gives  me  a  great  deal  of  trouble."  ^ 

'  His  epistles  are  very  numerous,  and  interesting  specimens 
are  given  by  Cardinal  Newman  in  his  Historical  Sketches,  vol.  ii. 
In  Smith's  Biographical  Diet,  is  an  exhaustive  article  extending 
more  than  thirteen  double  column  pages  closely  printed. 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BTSHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      201 

Basil  and  Gregory  Nazianzcn  had  been  early 
friends  and  fellow-students  at  x'\thens,  contemporary 
with  Julian,  afterwards  the  apostate.  The  two  former 
resembled  each  other  in  some  respects,  being  highly 
gifted,  sincerely  pious,  and  of  ascetic  habits,  but  after 
different  types.  It  is  interesting  to  notice  the  intense 
admiration  of  the  beautiful  in  nature  which  the  two 
friends  cultivated  and  expressed.  Basil  looked  on 
earth  and  sky  not  only  with  poetic  feeling,  but  with 
scientific  knowledge  such  as  the  age  supplied.  He 
classified  birds  according  to  their  wings,  and  included 
them  with  beetles  and  bats  in  the  same  order.  Bees 
seem  to  have  been  a  favourite  study,  and  he  speaks 
of  the  monarch  among  them  as  not  elected  by  votes  ; 
for  democracies,  Basil  remarks,  "raise  unworthy 
favourites  to  power,  whereas,  through  nature,  the 
largest  and  most  beautiful  creatures  attain  supremacy."^ 

V.  Nazianus  was  a  town  in  the  south-west  of  Cap- 
padocia,  a  place  of  no  importance  in  itself,  but  the 
name  has  become  familiar  to  students  of  Church 
history  in  connection  with  celebrities,  who  have  re- 
deemed the  place  from  obscurity.  Cappadocia  was 
of  wide  extent,  with  many  districts,  containing  a 
mountain    range,    where    different    languages    were 

•  Ep.,  1 88. 


202    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

spoken.  Interest  gathers  round  the  name  of  Gregory 
Nazianzen  ^  from  its  being  borne  by  the  celebrity 
already  noticed  at  Constantinople  ;  but  Nazianus  is 
worthy  of  attention  because  his  name  presents 
an  example  of  unique  family  life  when  hermits, 
monks,  and  other  cenobites  were  held  in  renown.  It 
is  a  fact  worthy  of  special  notice  that  there  were  still 
bishops  in  those  days  who,  with  wives  married  to  them 
before  their  consecration,  had  boys  and  girls  as  olive 
trees  round  their  tables. 

Basil  the  Great,  after  having  been  presbyter  in  the 
Church  of  Caesarea,  became  archbishop  of  the  diocese. 
He  possessed  a  nature  capable  of  ruling  others,  and 
this  made  duty  the  daily  pleasure  of  his  life.  At 
Caesarea  a  new  town  arose,  including  an  hospital  and 
an  asylum  for  strangers,  with  other  provisions  for 
daily  wants — all  paid  for  with  money  raised  by  Basil, 
whilst  he  reserved  for  himself  the  care  of  lepers. 

Basil  and  Gregory  Nazianzen  were  great  letter- 
writers,  and  relics  we  possess  of  their  communica- 
tions afford  illustrations  of  contemporary  habits.     Wc 

*  I  have  only  touched  those  points,  in  the  history  of  Gregory 
and  Basil,  where  they  were  connected  with  Constantinople  and 
Caesarea.  Their  friendship  was  interesting  and  affecting  both 
from  its  lights  and  shadows.  A  cloud  came  over  it :  Basil  died 
first, 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES      203 

gather  that  orthodox  people  under  the  heretical 
Emperor  Valens  suffered  distressing  persecution,  and 
old  men,  women,  and  children  might  be  seen  worship- 
ping, like  Scotch  Covenanters,  on  hills  and  in  deserts, 
under  winter  frost  and  scorching  heat  of  summer's 
sun.  Strange  irregularities  obtained,  and  one  meets 
with  a  story  how  a  deacon  gathered  together  a 
company  of  young  people,  and  led  them  about  dancing, 
"  to  the  sorrow  of  the  godly  and  the  merriment  of 
the  profane."  We  are  told  of  a  lady  who  had  for 
chaplain  a  bishop  who  was  her  slave.  We  learn 
that  people  behaved  irreverently  at  church,  and  that 
simony  obtained  amongst  clergymen.  A  whole 
district  was  covered  with  incompetent  priests,  none 
of  them  being  fit  for  office,  and  discipline  being 
resisted  by  the  people.  Basil  himself  excommuni- 
cated a  whole  district,  because  the  inhabitants 
harboured  an  excommunicated  delinquent. 

The  name  of  Gregory  Nazianzen's  mother  was 
Nonna,  a  lady  of  rank,  child  of  Christian  parents, 
described  in  glowing  terms  by  her  son  "  as  holy  in 
her  life "  ;  to  her  example  he  attributed  his  father's 
conversion,  and  to  her  intercessions  the  sanctity  of 
their  home.  The  bishop,  her  husband,  had  by  birth 
belonged  to  the  Hypsistarian  sect,  which  blended 
into     one     system     Christianity     and     heathenism. 


204    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Fart  II 


Nonna's  life  was  retired  and  uneventful,  but  "  over- 
shadowed," as  her  eloquent  son  remarks  in  one  of 
his  orations,  by  "  such  domestic  sorrows  as  fall  to 
the  lot  of  a  mother."  Her  health  was  commonly 
good,  but  in  the  year  A.D.  371  she  suffered  from  a 
severe  illness,  which  brought  home  Gregory,  who,  on 
his  arrival,  found  that  danger  was  passed  ;  her  re- 
covery being  attributed  to  "  cakes  of  bread,  marked 
by  a  cross  and  blessed  by  her  son."  Three  years 
afterwards  her  husband  died,  and  the  widow  survived 
the  loss  only  a  short  time.  It  is  touching  to  learn 
that  she  died  as  she  was  kneeling  to  receive  the 
Lord's  Supper. 

Basil  the  Great  and  Gregory  of  Nyssa  are  both  well 
known  among  the  celebrities  of  the  fourth  century, 
and  their  family  history  is  further  connected  through 
their  two  sisters.  Macrina,  namesake  of  her  grand- 
mother, was  intellectual,  as  well  as  pious.  To  Basil 
she  was  a  counsellor,  being  his  elder  b)'  two  years. 
Educated  by  her  mother  Eminelia,  she  became  an 
accomplished  woman,  familiar  with  patristic  literature, 
and  with  classical  authors  also.  She  committed  to 
memory  the  Psalter  and  the  Canticles,  and  is  described 
by  her  brother  as  surpassing  all  the  young  people  of  her 
age.  She  attracted  the  affection  of  a  young  advocate, 
who  died  soon  afterwards,  when  she  devoted  herself 


Ch.  IV]    EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES     205 

to  a  virgin  life.  A  widowed  mother  and  an  infant 
brother  were  now  her  care,  increased  by  the  manage- 
ment of  a  large  estate.  She  condescended  to  humble 
employments,  and  often  made  and  baked  the  house- 
hold bread  with  her  own  hands. 

The  establishment  of  a  religious  sisterhood  resulted 
from  her  ascetic  piety.  She  had  sorrow  on  sorrow, 
through  losing  a  brother  and  a  sister,  bereavements 
which  affected  her  health  and  contributed  to  shorten 
her  days.  Her  sufferings  were  extreme,  and  her 
death  story  is  affecting.  Gregory  beginning  to  talk 
of  his  sufferings  under  the  Emperor  Valens,  she 
checked  him,  saying  he  owed  all  he  had  done  to 
parental  education  and  prayer.  Dusk  came  on  ; 
lights  were  brought  in,  when  she  signed  herself  with 
the  cross  and  finished  life  together  with  her  prayers. 
At  an  earlier  period  the  grandmother  Macrina,  with 
her  husband,  were  forced  to  flee  during  a  season 
of  persecution,  and  had  to  dwell  as  outcasts. 

VI.  Cyrus,  a  city  and  diocese  of  Syria,  lying  on  the 
river  .^noparus,  became  somewhat  noted  in  the  fifth 
century,  from  a  bishop  who  was  consecrated  to  the 
see  in  A.D.  423,  and  who  figured  prominently  amongst 
episcopal  controversialists.  His  name  was  Theodoret. 
He  was  a  Scripture  commentator,  Church  historian, 
and  a  popular  preacher.     His  epistolary  remains  arc 


2o6    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

numerous,  and  they  furnish  the  chief  authority  for 
details  of  his  busy  life.  The  letter,  in  his  works 
numbered  CLXXX.,  relative  to  Cyril,  is  very 
shocking,  but  I  cannot  accept  it  as  genuine  without 
some  proof.  Baronius  (vi.,  23)  contests  its  genuine- 
ness. It  looks  to  me  like  a  fictitious  production  to 
illustrate  what  some  people  thought  of  Cyril.  Passing 
through  strange  adventures  and  deeply  involved  in  con- 
troversies, Theodoret  showed  power  and  self-command, 
though,  on  the  whole,  he  appears  a  man  of  irritable 
temper.  His  see  was  situated  between  the  river 
Euphrates  and  the  spurs  of  a  mountain  range,  and 
was  forty  miles  in  length,  embracing  monasteries 
containing  two  hundred  and  fifty  inmates ;  also  a 
large  number  of  hermitages.  Its  distinct  parishes  arc 
set  down  as  no  less  than  eight  hundred.  The  bishop 
speaks  of  miracles  wrought,  heretics  converted,  and 
persecution  endured.  According  to  his  own  account 
he  was  at  one  time  stoned  and  nearly  killed,  but 
he  lived  down  opposition,  and  was  victorious  over 
foes.  The  city  of  Cyrus  was  small,  the  buildings 
mean  ;  but,  at  Theodoret's  own  expense,  the  place 
was  improved,  and  he  constructed  aqueducts  for 
watering  fields  and  gardens.  He  mentions  the 
absence  of  lawsuits  amongst  his  parishioners.  On 
the  whole  he  does  not  seem  to  have  been  contented 


Ch.  IV]     EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS.,  AND  FAMILIES      207 

with  his  bishopric,  and  speaks  with  great  delight 
of  Antioch,  a  city  he  often  visited.  There,  he 
informs  us,  he  was  very  popular.  People  folded 
him  in  their  arms,  kissed  his  head  and  breast,  some 
even  his  knees,  declaring  he  preached  "  like  one  of 
the  apostles."  John  the  Patriarch,  as  he  heard  him, 
would  rise  from  his  seat  and  applaud  the  preacher 
with  both  hands.  Such  is  Theodoret's  own  account  ; 
and  his  whole  autobiography  shows  he  was  on 
excellent  terms  with  himself. 

He  plunged  into  controversy,  and  was  much  mixed 
up  with  disputes  about  Nestorius  and  Eutyches, 
the  former  being  an  old  companion  and  favourite. 
Theodoret  was  a  remarkably  active  and  clever  man, 
but  I  do  not  accept  all  his  stories,  or  endorse  all  his 
opinions  as  I  understand  them. 

Of  all  which  I  have  read  of  Theodoret's  writings, 
the  work  entitled  Dialogues  appears  to  me  most  in- 
teresting and  valuable.  The  title  conveys  no  idea  of 
the  subject,  but  it  is  really  a  long  critical  dissertation 
on  the  union  of  Christ's  Divine  and  human  nature. 
One  of  the  interlocutors  is  named  Orthodox,  and 
he  is  master  of  the  argument.  The  book  contains 
as  much  as  would  cover  three  hundred  pages  of 
moderate  octavo,  and  is  full  of  patristic  learning  and 
acute  reasoning   in   support  of  our  Lord's   Divinity 


2o8    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

The  Dialogues  give  a  deeper  impression  of  the  author's 
abihty  than  any  other  of  his  writings.  It  is  pro- 
nounced by  Precentor  Venables  ^  to  be  the  most 
valuable  of  Theodoret's  controversial  works  ;  I  think 
justly  so.  Independently  of  its  argumentative  force, 
it  contains  a  catena  of  passages  from  the  early  Fathers 
on  the  union  of  two  natures,  Divine  and  human,  in 
the  person  of  our  Lord  and  Saviour.^ 

In  closing  this  chapter  relative  to  the  East,  there 
is  one  celebrity  who,  though  not  a  bishop,  and 
unconnected  with  episcopal  families,  may  be  intro- 
duced here,  from  his  connection  with  the  north-east. 
I  refer  to  Ephrem  the  Syrian,  as  he  is  called,  who 
lived  in  the  fourth  century,  and  who  has  come 
to  be  known  amongst  English  readers  through  his 
Rhythins,  translated  in  the  Oxford  series  of  Anglo- 
Catholic  works. 

"  When  I  was  a  child,  lying  in  my  mother's  lap, 
I  saw  in  a  dream  what  became  a  reality.  From 
my  tongue  sprang  a  vine  twig  which  reached 
toward  heaven,  and  brought    forth  leaves  and    fruit 


'  Smith's  Christian  Biog.,  iv.,  pp.  304  et  scq. 
"  Theodoret's  work  is  translated  in  the  quarto  Select  Lib)-ary 
of  Fathers,  vol.  iii   (Oxford). 


Ch.  IV]    EASTERN  SEES,  BISHOPS,  AND  FAMILIES     209 


abundantly.  As  more  were  plucked,  the  clusters 
multiplied."^ 

The  RJiytJuns  are  full  of  Christ,  and  Ephrem  must 
be  regarded  as  an  evangelical  writer ;  but  his  forms 
of  thought  and  expression  are  so  foreign  to  our 
habits  that  few  will  get  to  the  end  of  the  volume. 

Commenting  on  the  first  chapter  of  Ezekiel, 
Ephrem  remarks :  "  The  faces  of  the  lion,  who 
is  the  king  of  beasts,  represent  to  us  the  kings 
and  princes  of  the  world,  who  have  come  under 
and  been  subdued  to  the  yoke  of  the  Church,  which 
is  represented  by  the  chariot ;  or  to  the  Gospel, 
which  selfsame  Gospel  the  chariot  represents.  The 
faces  of  the  eagle  again  are  that  we  may  know — 
that  is,  from  above — that  He  which  shall  come,  is 
to  be.  But  by  the  faces  of  the  birds  and  the  beasts 
he  represents  the  nations,  differing  in  their  habits, 
who  have  received  the  Gospel,  and  wrought  at  its 
spiritual  toils.  The  hand  that  was  beneath  the 
wings  of  the  cherubs  represents  to  us  that  it  was 
the  might  of  Him,  who  is  the  Son  of  Man,  which 
supporteth  the  chariot  in  which  He  rides." 

Strange  stories  are  told  of  Ephrem.  He  was 
wandering  in  the  outskirts  of  Caesarea,  when  he  was 

'  Rhythms  of  St.  Ephrein  the  Syrian,  p.  164, 

14 


2IO    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [PavtII 

taken  to  a  church,  where  he  saw  St.  Basil  arrayed  in 
shining  robes  and  seated  in  a  pulpit,  with  a  jewelled 
mitre  on  his  head,  and  surrounded  by  a  number 
of  priests,  magnificently  enrobed.  This  drew  forth 
from  him  an  exclamation  :  "  I  fear  our  labour  is  in 
vain.  For  if  we,  who  have  given  up  the  world, 
have  advanced  so  little  in  holiness,  what  spiritual 
gifts  can  we  expect  to  find  in  one  surrounded  by 
so  much  pomp  and  glory?"  This  looks  like  an 
imagination  on  the  part  of  a  man  who  was  shocked 
at  the  pomp  of  religious  services,  and  lamented  the 
decay  of  Christian  simplicity.  And  then  the  story 
goes  on  to  say  that  Basil  rose,  with  the  Holy  Ghost 
in  the  form  of  a  dove  on  his  shoulder,  and  sent 
his  archdeacon  to  invite  Ephrem  into  the  pulpit. 
They  embraced  one  another.  The  same  miracle  is 
said  to  have  occurred  elsewhere. 


CHAPTER   V 

AFRICAN   CHURCHES 

I.  T  ET  us  cross  the  Mediterranean  to  "  Alexandria 
1  V  the  beautiful"— "  Crown  of  Cities,"  "Mart 
of  the  World  " — in  its  meridian  splendour  during  the 
fourth  century. 

We  meet  there  with  a  blind  man  (born  A.D.  309, 
died  395)  named  Didymus.  He  was  taught  to  write 
on  tablets,  was  renowned  as  a  mathematician,  and, 
by  listening  to  Holy  Scripture,  learned  much  of  it 
by  heart.  It  is  said  that,  though  blind,  "he  had  an 
angel's  eye,"  and  also  that  he  was  famed  for  his 
asceticism.  He  was  head  of  a  catechetical  school 
in  the  city. 

Athanasius  became  Bishop  of  Alexandria  in  A.D, 
326.  A  faction  disturbed  his  peace,  and  his  eccle- 
siastical throne  was  usurped  by  George  of  Cappadocia. 
Athanasius  suffered  exile  over  and  over  again,  and 
his  return,  after  a  prolonged  absence,  has  been  com- 


212    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS'. OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  ll 

memorated  by  Gregory  Nazianzen,  who  compares  the 
procession  which  welcomed  him  back,  to  the  rising  of 
the  Nile.  People  strewed  their  garments  in  the  way, 
and  the  honour  thus  done  to  him,  it  is  said,  resembled 
that  paid  to  Agamemnon  when  he  came  back  from 
Troy.  Nine  churches  stood  in  the  city  of  Alexandria, 
attended  by  crowds,  so  that  children  suffered  from 
the  pressure,  and  "some  were  carried  home  injured, 
though  they  did  not  perish." 

Athanasius  has  been  glowingly  described  by  con- 
temporaries, as  he  was  in  his  life-time,  as  "virtue 
itself,"  as  "  the  great  enlightener,"  and  as  "  the 
corner-stone  of  the  Church."  Also  he  has  been  pro- 
nounced haughty,  hard-headed,  narrow-minded,  the 
author  of  broils,  and  the  source  of  much  unhappi- 
ness.  Passing  by  extreme  opinions,  I  must  say  that 
the  more  largely  we  study  the  history  of  his  times, 
and  the  controversies  in  which  he  was  engaged,  and 
that  the  more  minutely  we  look  into  his  personal 
character,  the  higher  will  be  our  estimate  of  his 
worth.  Even  Gibbon,  destitute  of  sympathy  with 
the  sentiments  of  this  orthodox  champion,  cannot 
withhold  a  tribute  of  respect ;  and  the  German 
sceptical  critic,  Baur,  expresses  the  opinion  that 
"  in  modern  times,  though  frequently  charged  with 
a  passionate  love  for  theological  controversy,  recent 


Ch.V]  AFRICAN  CHURCHES  213 

ecclesiastical  and  doctrinal  historians  are  more  and 
more  unanimous  in  according  to  him  a  pure  zeal 
for  Christian  truth." 

A  good  many  letters  by  Athanasius  have  been 
preserved ;  and  a  translation  of  several  has  recently 
appeared  in  a  quarto  volume  edited  by  Dr.  Wace  and 
Dr.  Schaff.  The  Festal  Letters  are  full  of  warmth, 
vigour,  and  simplicity.  A  letter  to  the  Bishop  of 
Hermopolis  (Ep.  49)  is  very  noticeable.  He  had 
left  his  post  at  a  time  of  persecution.  "  I  fear," 
says  Athanasius,  "  lest  in  flying  for  your  own  sake 
you  prove  to  be  in  peril  in  the  sight  of  the  Lord." 
"  You  have  caused  us  grief  instead  of  joy,  groaning 
instead  of  consolation."  "  There  are  some  buzzing  in 
your  ears,  advising  you  to  hide.  If  they  had  read  the 
Divine  word  they  would  not  have  so  advised  you. 
Moses  and  Jeremiah  did  not  listen  to  such  counsel. 
Gird  yourself,  so  as  not  to  leave  us  alone  in  the 
struggle.  "  ^ 

It  was  a  practice  with  Alexandrian  patriarchs  to 
issue  "  Festal  Letters."  "    Those  written  by  Athanasius 


'  Select  Library  of  Nicene  and  Post-Nlcejie  Fathers,  vol.  iv., 
pp.  557-560. 

-  Some  are  translated  from  the  original  Syriac  in  the  thirty- 
eighth  volume  of  the  Oxford  Library. 


214    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

attained  great  celebrity.  They  regulated  festivals 
in  other  places.  So  long  as  he  lived,  he  riveted 
public  attention  ;  and  to  the  end  of  life  was  contra 
inundum,  rocklike,  in  resisting  Arianism — "  very 
courageous,  not  afraid,  nor  dismayed."  A  milder 
spirit  marked  his  later  days.  Basil  called  him 
"  the  Samuel  of  the  Church."  His  movements 
were  "  flights,"  and  he  bore  the  name  of  Barak 
— lightning  flash.  Banishments  he  endured  with 
patience,  and  through  life  was  free  from  all  fear 
but  a  fear  of  God. 

He  was  followed  in  the  patriarchate  by  Cyril, 
who  played  a  noisy  part  in  Church  councils,  as  will 
be  found  on  an  after  page.  In  his  day  orthodoxy 
was  in  the  ascendant,  and  before  it  heathenism  and 
heresy  sunk  prostrate  in  the  dust.  The  image  of 
Serapis  was  dashed  in  pieces.  Pagans  were  terrified, 
but  no  judgment  followed ;  and  this  strengthened 
Christian  faith.  A  magnificent  cathedral  rose  in 
place  of  an  old  pagan  temple,  and  when  Cyril 
preached  in  it  men  clapped  their  hands,  and 
women  waved  their  handkerchiefs.  Monks  fol- 
lowed him  as  a  body-guard.  Hypatia — who  had 
endeavoured  to  rival  his  popularity — was  now 
denounced  as  an  enchantress,  and  being  attacked 
by  a   mob    under    Peter,    Cyril's    lesson-reader,    she 


Ch.V]  AFRICAN  CHURCHES  215 

fell  dead  in  the  street  under  murderous  blows. 
Cyril  zealously  opposed  Nestorianism,  but  his  spirit 
and  conduct  in  supporting  Church  dogmas  will  not 
bear  close  scrutiny. 

Neale  gives  Dioscorus,  Cyril's  successor,  a  bad  cha- 
racter. His  palace  was  disgraced  by  public  dancers, 
and  the  too  celebrated  Irene  was  notoriously  enter- 
tained as  the  patriarch's  concubine.^  The  same 
historian  touches,  in  connection  with  Alexandria, 
the  development  of  Nestorianism  there  in  the  first 
half  of  the  fifth  century,  and  follows  it  through 
proceedings  at  the  Council  of  Ephesus.  Alexandria 
came  into  connection  with  that  Council,  and  was 
subjected   to  its  decisions. 

II.  In  an  outlying  district  of  Alexandria  lay  the  see 
of  Ptolemais,  occupied  from  A.D.  375  to  about  430  by 
a  remarkable  man  named  Synesius.  He  had  been  a 
friend  of  Hypatia,  and  had  sympathised  in  her  philo- 
sophical principles  ;  after  his  adoption  of  Christianity, 
he  continued  to  manifest  Neoplatonic  tendencies. 
For  some  time,  as  a  country  gentleman,  he  continued 
fond  of  field-sports  ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  was  fond 
of  books,  public-spirited,  a  moral  man,  and  married 
to   a    lady  whom   he   loved.      He   gained    the   good 

'  Neale's  PatriarcJLate  of  Alexandria,  p.  279. 


2l6    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  11 

opinion    of  Christian    people,    and,   strange   to   say, 
entered   the   priesthood   whilst   a   disbeliever  in  the 
doctrine  of  the  resurrection.     He  said  :  "  I  never  will 
believe  that  the  soul  is  born  together  with  the  body. 
I  will  never  teach  that  the  world  is  destined  to  perish  ; 
the  resurrection,  as  taught  by  the  Church,  seems  to 
me  a  dubious  and   questionable  doctrine.     I  cannot 
yield  to  the  prejudices  of  the  vulgar."     His  mode  of 
quoting    Scripture   was   very    odd.     "  I    do   not   re- 
member," he  would  say,  "  the  exact  words,  but  I  feel 
sure  that  somewhere  in  the  Bible  God  is  represented 
to  have  spoken  so  and  so."     His  letters  and  poems 
indicate    that   inconsistent    opinions    influenced    his 
mind,   and    some    might   doubt    whether   he   was    a 
Christian    at   all  ;    yet,    most   wonderful,    neighbour- 
ing   churchmen    persuaded    him    to    accept    the    see 
of    Ptolemais.       It    was     no     uncommon     thing    in 
those  days  for  unsuitable  men  to  seek  ecclesiastical 
preferments ;    here   was   a    case   in    which   one    con- 
scious  of    his    unfitness   was    pressed    to    accept   a 
sacred  office. 

Gibbon  notices  Synesius  as  having  been  a  dis- 
ciplinarian. "  The  Bishop,"  he  says,  "  exhorted  the 
clergy,  the  magistrates,  and  the  people  to  renounce 
all  society  with  the  enemies  of  Christ,  to  exclude 
them  from  their  houses  and  tables,  and  refuse  them 


Ch.  V]  AFRICAN  CHURCHES  217 

the  common  offices  of  life  and  the  decent  rites  of 
burial." ' 

This  unique  prelate  gives  an  amusing  account  of 
an  episcopal  visitation,  when  mothers  held  up  to 
him  their  uproarious  babies,  children  screamed, 
women  shrieked,  and  men  groaned.  His  corre- 
spondence shows  him  to  have  been  out  of  sympathy 
with  his  work  ;  but  to  his  honour  be  it  said  that  his 
treatment  of  a  worthless  governor  manifested  moral 
dignity  of  the  noblest  kind. 

I  have  said  thus  much  respecting  this  remarkable 
man,  because  the  incongruities  of  his  case,  with  his 
life  and  character,  throw  considerable  light  on  the 
age  in  which  he  lived, — Pagans  and  Christians,  the 
orthodox  and  heterodox,  were  mixed  up  together 
in  manifold  ways,  and  mutually  operated  on  one 
another's  characters, — remembering  this  will  help  us 
in  solving  some  ecclesiastical  perplexities  in  the  sixth 
century.  Christendom,  and  the  secular  world  sur- 
rounding it,  were  so  different  then  from  what  they 
are  now,  that  knowledge  of  our  own  times  does 
little  to  aid  us  to  understand  what  was  going  on 
at  that  period. 

Before  quite   leaving  the  neighbourhood  of  Alcx- 


'  Dc.line  and  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire,  vol.  ii.,  p.  180. 


2i8    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

andria,  there  is  another  notabihty  to  be  mentioned — a 
striking  contrast,  in  point  of  character,  to  the  amiable 
Synesius.  I  refer  to  the  contemporary  patriarch  of 
the  renowned  African  city.  Theophilus  was  his 
name,  and  the  historian  Tillemont  justly  says  his 
theological  knowledge  was  celebrated  in  the  Church  ; 
but  he  proceeds  to  remark,  "  Woe  to  him  in  whom 
the  knowledge  which  puffeth  up  is  stronger  than  the 
charity  which  edifieth."  Few  men  have  had  less 
charity  than  this  famous  prelate,  the  implacable 
enemy  of  Chrysostom.  "  There  is  little,"  it  has  been 
truly  said,  "  to  point  the  moral  of  his  life.  It  is  the 
deterioration  which  too  great  power  can  produce  in 
one  whose  zeal  in  the  cause  of  religion,  although  in 
itself  genuine  and  active,  is  not  combined  with  single- 
ness of  heart."  Socrates  gives  Theophilus  a  bad 
character — "  violent,  cunning,  and  malicious."  ^ 

We  are  now  on  the  edge  of  the  dark  ages — all  the 
darker  for  the  brilliant  light  which  preceded  and 
followed.  As  we  approach  the  new  crisis,  the  remark 
suggests  itself  that  the  period  just  before  premonished 
what  was  to  follow.  When  we  take  in  all  which  has 
been  told,  surely  wc   must   see  that  a  deteriorating 

'  Socrates,  Ecd.  Hist.,  v.,  c.  i6  ;  vi.,  c.  9.  Theophilus  figures 
in  the  proceedings  against  Chrysostom  at  "  the  Oak."  See  AHce 
Gardiner's  Synesius  of  Cyrcne,  chap.  v. 


Ch.V]  AFRICAN  CHURCHES  219 

change  was  at  hand  in  the  sixth  century.  The  old 
Roman  civiHsation  was  advanced  in  decay,  drawing 
its  last  breath,  and  the  Gothic  foe  stood  knocking  at 
the  gate.  Had  primitive  Christianity  retained  its 
strength,  had  apostolic  zeal,  holiness,  and  faith  been 
in  the  ascendant,  pagan  inroads  would  have  been 
made  in  vain  ;  but  the  Church,  as  to  the  mass  of  its 
professors,  was  becoming  weaker  every  day  in  faith, 
prayer,  and  holiness.  If  we  could  reckon  the  two 
populations,  the  old  Romans  and  the  young  Goths, 
we  should  find  the  last  stronger  than  the  first. 
What  was  likely  to  follow  but  the  deterioration  of 
Christian  influence  on  its  beneficent  side  ?  Synesius 
complains  of  "  wandering  bishops,  deprived  of  their 
sees  in  times  of  trouble,  and  who  refused  to  return 
when  allowed  to  do  so."  ^ 

Synesius  was  far  from  a  perfect  character,  but  it 
has  been  remarked  that,  without  seeking  to  represent 
him  as  more  of  a  philosopher  or  more  of  a  Christian 
than  he  actually  was,  it  is  fair  to  consider  him  as 
an  honest  though  sometimes  erring  man.  ''  He 
was  led,  in  later  life,  to  adopt  habits  and  phrases 
to  which  in  his  youth  he  had  been  a  stranger, 
but  never  relinquished  his  grasp  of  those  principles 

'  Gardmer's  Synesius  0/ Cjrcnc,  p.  139. 


2  20    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  11 

which     had    first    made    life    to    have    a    meaning 
for  him."^ 

In  his  latter  days  he  was  plunged  into  great  trouble 
by  one  named  Andronicus,  Civil  Governor  of  Lybia. 
The  story  of  the  two  furnishes  an  original  illustration 
of  Church  and  State  at  war  with  one  another. 
Andronicus  was  tyrannical  and  cruel  ;  Synesius  re- 
sisted his  abominable  designs.  Andronicus  increased 
the  taxes  that  he  might  replenish  his  exhausted 
exchequer.  He  seized  wealthy  citizens,  and  tortured 
them  with  thumb-screws,  gloating  over  their  suffer- 
ings, as  well  as  rejoicing  over  his  own  gains.  If  the 
Bishop  befriended  a  sufferer,  the  man  in  power  re- 
sented it  by  superadded  oppression  and  cruelty. 
Synesius  excommunicated  the  official  :  this  made 
matters  worse.  Tempted  to  resign  his  episcopate,  he 
resisted  temptation  and  called  on  his  brother  bishops 
to  help  him  in  the  execution  of  his  sentence.  Synesius 
so  far  succeeded  ;  but  something  like  civil  war  ensued. 
Moreover  he  lost  two  of  his  children,  and  suffered 
from  illness ;  at  the  end  he  prepared  to  enter  a 
hermitage. 

III.  Hippo  Regius,  in  Numidia,  on  the  North-West 
African  coast,  was  not  a  city  comparable  with  some 


'  Gardiner's  Synesius,  p.  166. 


Ch.V]  AFRICAN  CHURCHES  221 

we  have  visited  in  the  East ;  but  Cicero  mentions  it  as  a 
noble  and  illustrious  municipality.  Plains  to  the  north 
were  dominated  by  mountains,  whose  lower  slopes  are 
still  covered  with  chestnut  trees.  Hippo  was  destroyed 
by  Vandals,  and  on  its  ruins  there  now  stands  the 
town  of  Bona.  An  aqueduct  remains  which  conveyed 
water  from  the  mountain  to  this  city,  of  which 
Augustine  became  bishop.  We  can  picture  him, 
slender,  with  a  slight  stoop,  the  hue  of  his  face  be- 
tokening Numidian  descent.  He  said,  "  A  bishop 
may  be  allowed  to  wear  costly  raiment,  but  it  does 
not  become  me,  the  son  of  poor  parents."  He 
commonly  dressed  in  a  black  habit,  with  a  leathern 
girdle,  and  sat  daily  at  table  with  his  monastic 
brethren,  saying  he  had  "  never  found  any  men  better 
or  worse  than  those  who  dwelt  in  a  monastery." 

He  lived  on  vegetables,  and  encouraged  free  con- 
versation at  table,  but  always  excluded  what  could 
be  considered  as  scandal.  He  would  preach  five  days 
in  succession,  sometimes  twice  a  day.  He  bountifully 
relieved  the  poor,  and  is  known  to  have  melted  down 
church  plate  for  the  redemption  of  prisoners.  We 
fancy  we  can  see  and  hear  him  in  church,  occupying 
the  ambo,  or  pulpit,  whilst  the  clergy  sat  round  him 
on  stone  benches,  some  employed  in  noting  down 
his  discourses.     The  laity  listened  standing.      They 


222    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

repaired  to  him  for  advice  in  settling  disputes  ;  and 
he  would  apologise  for  injustice,  innocently  done, 
saying,  "  Often  in  strait  places  the  hen  treads  with 
all  her  weight  upon  the  chickens  whom  she  warms 
— but  she  is  not  the  less  their  mother." 

Augustine  was  a  great  preacher,  not  like  Chrysos- 
tom  or  any  oratorical  Greek  ;  nor  are  his  homilies  of 
the  same  class  as  those  of  Ambrose,  whom  he  admired 
so  much.     Augustine's,  however,  are  at  times  mystical, 
and  so  far  resemble  the  Milan  bishop's  ;  but  they  have 
a  character  of  their  own,  and  no  doubt  his  thoughtful 
hearers   came   to   be    moulded    after   their   teacher's 
pattern.      Let    me    select    a    discourse    of    his    on 
Matt.  xii. — Blasphemy  against  the  Holy  Ghost.     The 
leading  idea  is  that  final  tnipenitence  is  unpardonable 
sin — a  truth,  however,  which  is  scarcely  the  lesson  of 
that  passage.     The  sermon  is  long,  and  the  treatment 
indicates  need  of  thoughtfulness  on  the  hearers'  part, 
in   order  to   apprehend   its    drift   and    point.     Alto- 
gether it  makes  a  demand  on  sustained  attention  to 
the  end.     Such  attention  was  indispensable  in  order 
to  a  full  apprehension  of  the  preacher's  design.     It 
does  not  resemble  Chrysostom's  oratory,  and  presents 
a  contrast  between  patristic  and  present  preaching. 

Next  to  theological  treatises  and  sermons,  Augus- 
tine's  letters   are    of    value    for    understanding    his 


Ch.  V]  AFRICAN  CHURCHES  323 

opinions  as  well  as  his  spiritual  life  ;  for  acquaintance 
with  the  man  himself  no  biography  can  be  so  satis- 
factory as  his  correspondence.  "  No  controversy  of 
his  age  was  settled  without  his  voice,  and  it  is  in  his 
letters  that  we  chiefly  see  the  vastness  of  his  empire, 
the  variety  of  subjects  on  which  appeal  was  made  to 
him,  and  the  deference  with  which  his  judgment  was 
received.  Inquiring  philosophers,  puzzled  statesmen, 
angry  heretics,  pious  ladies,  all  found  their  way  to 
the  Bishop  of  Hippo."  ^  In  many  of  his  letters  I  have 
been  deeply  interested.  At  the  same  time  I  must 
confess  he  often  dwells  at  inconvenient  length  upon 
points  of  controversy  important  in  his  own  day,  but 
unknown  or  forgotten  in  ours. 

When  Augustine  reached  his  seventy-second  year, 
he  thought  it  wise,  as  most  men  who  live  so  long 
should  do,  to  seek  for  assistance,  and  if  possible  a 
successor.  The  record  of  this  Hippo  election  is  full  of 
amusement.'^  The  person  thought  suitable  was  a  priest 
named  Heraclius,  who  had  preached  occasionally  in 
Augustine's  church,  but  not  in  Augustine's  hearing. 
One  Sunday  in  September,  A.D.  426,  the  basilica  was 
crowded   from    end   to   end.      After    explaining   the 


'  Preface  to  translated  letters. 
*  Augustine's  Letters,  CCXIII. 


2  24    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

important  step  about  to  be  taken,  the  Bishop  put 
the  question  to  the  vote ;  immediately  the  congrega- 
tion twenty-three  times  over  shouted  :  "  Let  us  give 
thanks  to  God  ;  let  us  give  praises  to  Christ."  "  O 
Christ,  hear  us  ;  prolong  Augustine's  life,"  were  words 
repeated  sixteen  times.  "  You  for  our  father  ;  you 
for  our  Bishop,"  were  uttered  eight  times.  Then 
Augustine  more  fully  explained  what  he  wished  to 
be  done  respecting  Heraclius,  adding,  "  You  see  that 
the  notaries  of  the  Church  gather  up  what  I  say  and 
what  you  say ;  my  words  and  your  acclamations 
do  not  fall  to  the  ground."  Again  there  followed 
cries,  "  O  Christ,  hear  ;  prolong  Augustine's  life." 
At  last  six  times  the  people  shouted,  "  You  for 
our  father  ;  Heraclius  for  our  Bishop."  It  appears 
that  this  repetition  was  a  traditional  Roman  practice. 
It  obtained,  we  are  told,  when  the  Senate  elected 
Tacitus  to  succeed  Aurelian  in  A.D.  275,  the  people 
then  exclaiming,  ten  and  twenty  times,  "  We  do  not 
make  you  a  soldier  but  an  Emperor." 

The  Vandal  invasion  of  Africa  happened  in  the 
fifth  century.  Cities,  villages,  churches  were  destroyed, 
and  Hippo,  with  its  fortifications,  was  not  spared.  In 
the  midst  of  devastation  Augustine  lay  on  his  death- 
bed. As  he  saw  his  end  approach,  he  requested  those 
who   lived  in    the   house   not  to  enter   his  chamber 


Ch.  V]  AFRICAN  CHURCHES  225 

except  with  his  physician,  that  at  other  times  he 
might  be  left  alone  to  hold  communion  with  God. 
He  ordered  the  penitential  Psalms  to  be  written  in 
large  letters  and  affixed  to  the  wall  opposite  his  bed. 
In  loneliness  of  meditation  he  spent  the  last  six 
weeks  of  life. 

He  died  August  the  28th  or  29th,  A.D.  430.^ 


'  In  the  ante-Nicene  period,  Carthage  under  Cyprian  contained 
a  large  and  prosperous  population,  but  at  the  period  we  have 
reached,  connected  with  Augustine,  the  city  was  destroyed. 
With  regard  to  Augustine's  sermons,  they  must,  to  a  large 
extent,  have  been  extempore,  and  we  have  brief  reports  of  them. 
The  same  may  be  said  of  those  by  Chrysostom. 


15 


CHAPTER   VI 

WESTERN  BISHOPS 

7E  turn  to  those  we  find  in  France  during  the 
fourth  century,  and  call  to  mind  at  once  a 
difference,  in  point  of  extent,  between  these  sees 
and  those  we.  are  familiar  with  now  in  our  own 
country.  A  French  bishop  of  the  fourth  century  was, 
in  many  instances,  more  like  a  clergyman  of  some 
large  parish  than  like  a  prelate  now,  in  charge  of  a 
little  kingdom. 

The  first  here  coming  under  our  notice  is  Hilary  of 
Poictiers,  born  between  A.D.  315  and  320.  He  was 
married  and  had  a  daughter,  and  was  chosen  to 
preside  by  the  citizens  of  the  place  whilst  he  was  still 
a  layman. 

Banished  by  the  reigning  Emperor  for  three  years, 
he  was  separated  from  his  flock  all  that  time  ;  and 
one  wonders  what  became  of  those  poor  sheep  in 
the  wilderness.  Absent  from  France,  and  writing 
to  his  Majesty,  we  find    him    saying,    "  To    thee,   O 


Ch.  VI]  WESTERN  BISHOPS  227 


Constantine,  do  I  proclaim,  what  I  would  not  have 
addressed  to  Nero,  thou  art  warring  against  God 
and  the  Church,  overthrowing  religion,  tyrant  as 
thou  art."  Hilary's  theological  opinions  were,  in  one 
respect,  broad  and  kind,  but  at  the  same  time,  in 
reference  to  some  Church  and  State  questions, 
intensely  bitter.  He  treated  semi-Arians  with  cour- 
tesy and  kindness,  while  he  violently  treated  Arians 
of  a  decided  stamp.  He  has  been  regarded  by 
critics  under  very  different  aspects,  Augustine  pro- 
nounces him  "  an  illustrious  doctor,  a  keen  defender 
of  the  Catholic  Church"  ;  and  Jerome  speaks  of  his 
style  as  resembling  the  flowing  Rhone,  and  of  his 
character  as  a  noble  tree  in  the  world's  great 
garden.  Daille  judges  this  bishop  with  severity,  while 
Dorner  is  an  enthusiastic  admirer.  Erasmus  thought 
him  dangerously  curious.  Gibbon  sympathetically 
quotes  these  words  from  Hilary  :  "  It  is  a  thing  equally 
deplorable  and  dangerous,  that  there  are  amongst  us 
as  many  creeds  as  opinions,  as  many  doctrines  as 
inclinations,  and  as  many  sources  of  blasphemy  as 
there  are  faults  among  us,  all  because  we  make  creeds 
in  an  arbitrary  way."  ^ 

1  Hilary,  Ad  Constantium,  i,,  4,  5.  It  is  very  odd  to  find  Hilary 
saying  that,  after  his  baptism  and  he  had  been  some  time  in  his 
diocese,  he  had  never  heard  the  Nicene  Creed  {De  Syuodis,  c.  xci.). 


228    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Parill 


Hilary's  exile  ended  A.D.  360,  and  he  spent  three 
years  on  his  homeward  journey  to  Poictiers.  He 
died  in  A.D.  368. 

Hilary,  a  namesake  in  the  fifth  century,  was  Bishop 
of  Aries,  and  seems  to  have  resembled  him  in 
decision  of  character  ;  for,  we  are  told,  qiiicquid 
villi,  valde  viilt.  Aries  was  a  city  of  great  mag- 
nificence, as  its  Roman  remains  at  the  present 
day  abundantly  testify.  Ecclesiastically  it  was  im- 
portant, claiming  as  it  did  authority  over  a  large 
part  of  Gaul.  Hilary  held  a  council  at  Vienne,  where 
he  deposed  a  priest  named  Chalcedonius,  who  ap- 
pealed to  Rome  ;  and  Leo,  Bishop  there,  interposed 
on  his  behalf — an  interference  with  Hilary's  rights 
which  the  latter  said  he  would  not  allow.  Forthwith 
he  crossed  the  snowy  Alps  on  foot  to  protest  against 
Leo's  interference.  This  typified  what  often  hap- 
pened afterwards.  France  protested  against  Rome, 
but  Rome  would  not  listen  to  France.  Hilary  of 
Aries  was  not  suspected  of  sympathising  with 
Arianism,  but  he  was  charged  with  leaning  towards 
Pelagian  opinions. 

In  the  fourth  century  Martin,  Bishop  of  Tours, 
appears  prominent  amongst  Gallic  prelates.  "  Yet  we 
have  no  works  written  by  him,  nor  any  account  of  his 
being  influential  in  Church  councils  or  eloquent  as  a 


Ch.VI]  WESTERN  BISHOPS  229 

preacher.  Notwithstanding,  he  remains,  undeniably, 
the  one  prelate  who  has  made  a  very  deep  impression 
on  France,  and  a  large  part  of  Christendom  beyond 
the  limits  of  his  adopted  country."  ^  The  story  of 
dividing  his  cloak  with  the  beggar  is  amongst  the 
most  popular  legends  of  the  Church,  and  a  picture 
of  the  Bishop  on  horseback,  sword  in  hand,  cutting 
the  mantle  in  two  and  giving  half  to  the  shivering 
suppliant,  is  familiar  to  every  one.  Some  incredible 
legends  about  him,  the  Due  de  Broglie  regards  as 
external  representations  of  his  spiritual  conflicts 
against  passion  and  sin.  Notices  of  him  by  Sulpicius 
attracted  much  attention,  especially  that  of  his  pre- 
sence at  a  banquet  given  by  the  notorious  Emperor 
Maximus  at  Treves.  A  cup  of  wine  offered  to  the 
Bishop  by  that  criminal  usurper,  instead  of  being 
returned  to  royal  hands,  was  by  Martin  passed  on  to 
his  attendant  presbyter.  The  story  is  often  told  as 
a  specimen  of  priestly  arrogance ;  but  Cardinal 
Newman  reads  it  thus  :  "  The  Emperor  wished  him 
first  to  taste,  and  then  to  pass  it  to  himself  with 
the  blessing  and  good  auspice  which  a  bishop  could 
convey ;  but  he  saw  through  the  artifice,  and  instead 
of  handing  the  cup  to  the  Emperor,  passed  it  to  his 

'  Dr.  Cazenove's  Life  of  Martin  (S.P.C.K.). 


230   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


own  presbyter,  as  being  higher  in  true  rank,  as 
Sulpicius  says,  than  any  other,  even  the  most  noble 
who  were  there  assembled."  ^  Whether  or  not  Martin 
saw  through  "  the  artiiice,"  it  is  quite  plain  what  he 
thought  of  the  dignity  of  the  priesthood.  It  should 
be  remembered,  however,  that  he  disapproved  of  the 
conduct  of  other  bishops  on  important  occasions. 
He  subsequently  declined  attendance  at  ecclesiastical 
assemblies  because  he  found  them  unprofitable. 

There  is  a  legend  of  St.  Martin  worth  relating. 
Once  the  devil  appeared  to  him  clothed  in  royal  robes 
and  decked  with  gems,  announcing  that  he  was  Christ 
Himself,  come  to  pay  him  a  visit  before  the  second 
advent.  The  Bishop  replied  that  he  could  not  believe 
his  visitor  till  he  saw  him  show  the  mark  of  the  naih. 
Dr.  Newman,  in  his  Church  of  the  Fathers,  makes 
this  application  of  the  vision  :  "  Christ  comes  not  in 
pride  of  intellect  or  reputation  for  philosophy.  These 
are  robes  which  Satan  now  wears.  Many  arc 
abroad,  and  more  arc  issuing  from  the  pit.  They 
display  precious  gifts  of  mind,  beauty,  richness,  depth, 
originality.  Christian,  look  hard  at  them,  with  Martin, 
in  silence,  and  ask  them  for  the  print  of  the  nails." 

The  case  of  Priscillian  will  come  before  us  on  a 

'  Newman's  Hist.  Sketches,  ii.,  p.  193. 


Ch.  VI]  WESTERN  BISHOPS  .?3i 


future  page.  He  was  accused  of  heresy  before  a 
secular  tribunal,  which  Martin  of  Tours  opposed,  not 
on  any  modern  ground  of  civil  and  religious  liberty, 
but  because  he  condemned  civil  interference  with 
religious  matters.  Afterwards  we  meet  with  him  at 
Treves,  where  he  refused  to  sign  a  document  in- 
volving what  he  disapproved.  He  afterwards  declined 
to  attend  Church  synods,  and  confined  himself  to 
episcopal  duties  at  home.  His  funeral  was  attended 
by  two  thousand  monks.  After  his  death  Roman 
booksellers  declared  no  books  were  in  such  demand 
as  Martin's  Biography  and  Dialogues. 

Before  I  leave  Gallic  ecclesiastical  notabilities  of 
the  early  period  now  touched  upon,  there  is  one,  not 
a  bishop,  who  here  demands  a  passing  notice — 
Vincentius  Lirinensis,  monk  of  a  monastery  on  the 
shores  of  the  Mediterranean,  who  died  about  A.D.  450. 
He  wrote  a  book  entitled  Commoiiitoriiun,  in  which  he 
laid  down  as  a  law  of  Christian  belief  the  threefold 
authority.  Quod  ubique,  quod  semper,  quod  ab  omnibus, 
creditiim  est.  About  sixty  years  ago  this  dictum  was 
on  every  English  theologian's  lips,  either  for  accept- 
ance or  for  rejection.  The  Tracts  for  tJic  Times  gave 
it  publicity,^  and  "  Tractarians,"  as  they  were  then 

See  Records  of  the  Chnrch,  Nos.  xxiv.  and  xxv. 


232    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

called,  fought  valiantly  in  support  of  this  principle. 
The  Church's  authority  was  maintained  to  be  neces- 
sary as  a  support  of  theological  teaching.  No  doubt 
the  ipse  dixit  of  Vincentius  Lirincnsis  was  generally 
adopted  by  Gallic  believers  in  the  fifth  century.  The 
right  of  private  judgment  must  have  been  out  of  the 
question  at  that  period/ 

From  Gaul  we  proceed  to  Lombardy,  where 
we  meet  with  Ambrose,  Bishop  of  Milan.  It  is 
difficult  to  form  an  adequate  conception  of  his 
character  and  influence.  The  story  of  his  election 
to  the  episcopate  is  curious.  A  vacancy  occurred, 
and  a  crowd  assembled  to  choose  who  should  fill  it, 
when  a  child  in  the  throng  cried  out,  "  Ambrose  is 
bishop  !  Ambrose  is  bishop  !  "  The  cry  was  attributed 
to  a  Divine  impulse.  Ambrose  was  at  the  time 
Civil  Governor,  a  difficulty  overcome  by  the  inspired 
decision.  Basil  called  it  an  episcopal  translation  by 
God  Himself  It  is  an  original  illustration  of  the 
alliance  between  Church  and  State. 

Augustine's  description  of  Ambrose,  as  he  ap- 
peared at  the  time  of  Augustine's  conversion,  makes 
the    Milan    archbishop    visible  to    us.     We   see   him 


'  I  have  more  to  say  about  Gaul  in  a  cliapter  on   Incipient 
Nationalities. 


Ch.  VI]  WESTERN  BISHOPS  233 

in  a  cloister  or  under  a  verandah  sitting  silent  and 
reading  intently,  yet  accessible  to  his  flock,  "  whose 
weaknesses  he  served."  "  That  man  of  God,"  says 
his  young  admirer,  "  received  me  as  a  father,  and 
showed  me  an  episcopal  kindness  on  my  coming. 
Therefore  I  began  to  love  him  not  only  as  teacher, 
but  as  friend.  I  listened  to  his  preaching,  testing 
his  eloquence,  whether  it  corresponded  with  his 
fame.  I  delighted  in  the  sweetness  of  his  discourse, 
while  I  opened  my  heart  to  the  eloquence  of  his 
speech,  and,  by  degrees,  to  the  truth  he  uttered."  ^ 

Ambrose  came  into  collision  with  the  civil  power. 
An  Arian  bishop  had  occupied  a  church  from  which 
Catholics  ejected  him.  Justina,  an  Arian,  mother 
of  Valentinian,  the  Emperor,  demanded  the  restora- 
tion of  it  to  former  occupants.  How  the  building 
came  into  the  possession  of  Arians  I  do  not 
know.  At  all  events,  Ambrose  declared  that  the 
church  belonged  to  Christ,  and  must  not  remain 
in  heretical  hands.  He  would  not,  in  this  affair, 
submit  to  secular  control.  "  Palaces,"  he  said, 
"belonged  to  the  Emperor,  but  churches  belonged 
to  the  Lord  and  to  His  servants." 

The   orthodox   party   supported   the    Bishop,   and 

'  Augustine's  Confessions,  v.,  13. 


234    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

joined     in     resisting     secular     interference.      When 
imperial  officers  entreated  Ambrose  to  interfere  and 
repress  popular  violence,  he  declined   to  do  it,  and 
told    his    sister    that   he    wept   amidst    the   uproar, 
and  prayed  no  blood  might  be  shed  ;  if  it  were,  he 
wished  it  might  be  his  own,  not  only  for  the  sake  of 
his  flock,  but  for  the  sake  of  the  heretics  too/     He 
avowed  as  his  maxim  that  "  priests  bestowed  temporal 
authority,  but  did  not  assume  it " ;  "  nor,"  he  might 
have  added,  "submit  to  it."      He  said   they  had  a 
dominion   of  their   own    in    the    midst    of    personal 
helplessness.     "  When  I  am  weak  then  am  I  strong." 
Theodosius   1.,  who  occupied   the  imperial  throne 
from    375    to    395,   came   to   reside    in    Milan,   and 
there   was   brought  into  contact  with  Ambrose.     A 
Jewish    synagogue    at    Acquileia    had    been    burnt 
down   in   a   riot,   and   the   Emperor   commanded    it 
should  be  rebuilt  at  the  expense  of  those  responsible 
for    the   disturbance.      Ambrose   resisted   this,   and, 
inspired  by  anti-Jewish  prejudices,  thought  perhaps 
there  was  more  cause  for  approval  than  censure  in 
the   destruction  of  an  edifice  belonging  to  the  race 
that  crucified  our  Lord.     After  Theodosius  had  given 
his  order  he  attended   church,  when   Ambrose  took 

'  Epist.,  XX. 


Ch.VI]  WESTERN  BISHOPS  235 


occasion  to  point  with  displeasure  at  his  Majesty's 
proceeding.  "  So,  my  Lord  Bishop,  you  have  been 
preaching  at  mc  !  "  exclaimed  the  royal  listener  when 
the  preacher  left  his  pulpit.  "  I  have  not  been 
preaching  at  you,  hut /or  j'our  good,"  was  the  reply; 
to  which  Theodosius  rejoined,  "  Well,  my  order 
about  the  Bishop's  rebuilding  the  synagogue  was  a 
little  too  severe,  but  that  is  set  right." 

What  afterwards  happened  is  more  remarkable. 
The  people  of  Thessalonica  quarrelled  with  their 
magistrates,  and  became  rebellious.  Tidings  of 
their  conduct — which  included  the  crime  of  murder 
— reached  Milan,  and  exasperated  his  Majesty,  who 
retaliated  by  authorising  a  massacre  of  citizens. 
News  of  this  reached  Ambrose,  who  reproached  the 
Emperor  when  he  came  to  church,  and  forbade  his 
participation  in  the  Lord's  Supper.  Abashed  by 
the  Bishop's  rebuke,  Theodosius  made  no  resistance, 
but  submitted  to  discipline.  Eight  months  elapsed  ; 
when  Christmas  came,  he  was  restored,  and  re- 
approached  the  altar.^  We  are  told  that  he  felt 
he  had  committed  a  great  fault  in  the  sight  of 
God,  and  determined  to  confess  it  before  the  people. 


'  This  story  is  related  by  Theodoret  {Hist.,   v.,    18),    but  is 
doubted  by  some  critics,  1  think  without  sufficient  reason. 


236    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

"  You  allow  your  temper  to  act  the  judge,"  said 
Ambrose,  "  and  permit  passion  instead  of  reason  to 
pronounce  sentence ;  you  must  make  a  law  which 
shall  render  such  hasty  orders  as  yours  null  and 
void.  Let  thirty  days  elapse  before  a  sentence  of 
death  or  confiscation  be  executed."  The  Emperor 
consented.  Then  laying  aside  his  regal  robes  and 
decorations,  he  entered  church,  and,  falling  pros- 
trate on  the  pavement,  smote  his  breast,  saying, 
"  My  soul  cleaveth  unto  the  dust,  O  quicken  me 
according  to  Thy  word."  ^ 

After  reading  this  memorable  scene  between  the 
Archbishop  and  the  Emperor  (the  latter  meekly 
submitting  to  the  faithful  reproof  of  the  former) 
it  is  touching  to  learn  that  Theodosius  expired  in 
the  arms  of  Ambrose,  commending  to  his  care  two 
orphan  sons.  There  was  a  wonderful  fascination 
in  the  Bishop's  influence.  He  wrote  a  catechism 
for  a  pagan  queen,  who  was  so  touched  by  it  that 
she  started   at  once   to  see  his  face  and  receive  his 


'  Schaff  in  his  History  of  Christian  Chnrch,  iii.,  gives  a 
good  sketch  of  Ambrose,  with  original  authorities.  The  chief 
works  of  Ambrose  are  the  Hexameroii  in  six  books,  on  the 
days  of  the  Creation ;  a  book  on  Paradise ;  several  about  Cain 
and  Abel,  Noah,  Abraham  and  Isaac,  and  other  subjects.  He 
was  greater  in  administration  than  authorship. 


Ch.  VI]  WESTERN  BISHOPS  237 

blessing,  but  when  she  reached  Milan  he  was  gone. 
Ambrose  expired  on  the  evening  of  Good  Friday, 
A.D.  397,  immediately  after  receiving  the  Lord's 
Supper, 

I  must  not  conclude  my  notice  of  Ambrose 
without  referring  to  an  incident  which  has  been 
a  subject  of  animated  controversy  in  our  own 
day. 

A  church  was  about  to  be  consecrated  at  Milan, 
and  for  this   purpose   a  deposition   of  saintly  relics 
was    deemed    desirable,    according   to   ideas   of  that 
day.     Ambrose  gave  orders  that    the   pavement   in 
a   neighbouring   church    should   be   dug    up   with   a 
hope  of  finding    what  was  wished,  though  zv/iy  the 
particular   spot  was    selected   does   not   appear.      A 
vision  is  mentioned,  but  not  on  sufficient  authority. 
Skeletons    were    found    of    an     extraordinary    size- 
Names    previously     unknown    were     given     to    the 
remains,  and    miracles  were  said    to   be    wrought  in 
those  who    touched    them  ;    a    blind    man    laid    his 
hands    on    the    pall    covering    the  relics,    and    was 
believed    to   have  thereby  recovered    sight.      There 
was   difference   of  opinion    as    to    the    genuineness 
of  these   relics.     Arians  denied   the  orthodox  report. 
The  case  now   became  a  party  question. 

The   man    saying   he    had    received  his  sight   was 


238    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS    OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

cross-examined,  and  the  case  engrossed  general 
attention  ;  but  nobody — as  far  as  I  can  discover — 
inquired  into  the  origin  of  the  marvellous  dis- 
covery. Why  was  a  particular  grave  opened  ?  The 
fourth  and  fifth  centuries  abounded  in  credulity  ; 
nobody  can  read  the  twenty-second  book  of 
Augustine's  De  Civitate  without  seeing  that. 

The  Lausiac  History,  by  Palladius,  Bishop  of 
Helenopolis,  abounds  in  tales  picked  up  amongst 
Egyptian  hermits.  When  demand  for  the  wonderful 
was  made,  the  demand  was  abundantly  supplied. 
Palladius  tells  a  story  of  some  woman  who  was 
taken  for  a  mare,  until  a  spell  on  the  eyes  of  her 
friends  was  miraculously  removed.  The  Lausiac 
History  is  quoted  by  Sozomen,  and  Socrates  makes 
special  reference  to  the  author.  After  detailing 
stories  of  monks,  he  tells  us  "there  is  a  specific 
treatise  on  the  subject  by  the  Monk  Palladius,  who 
was  a  disciple  of  Evagrius,  in  which  all  these 
particulars  are  minutely  detailed."  ^  The  credulity 
of  that  age  was  marvellous. 

'  Socrates,  Eccl.  Hist.,  iv.,  23. 


CHAPTER   VII 

EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS  CATACOMBS 
314—604 

WHEN  Constantine  established  the  Church  in 
connection  with  the  Empire,  Sylvester  was 
Bishop  of  Rome.  He  had  been  exiled  to  Soracte, 
and  then  reinstated  in  his  episcopal  position. 
Platina,  historian  of  the  Popes,  says  the  Emperor 
granted  to  those  who  presided  over  the  see  that 
"they  should  wear  a  diadem  of  gold,  set  with 
precious  gems,"  a  tradition,  probably,  which  sprang 
up  in  after  times. 

Bishop  Julius  (A.D.  337 — 352)  welcomed  Athanasius 
to  Rome,  when  he  came  there  during  his  exile. 
His  successor,  Liberius,  was  accused  of  heresy, 
according  to  Jerome's  report,  and  Athanasius  says 
of  him  that  he  gave  way,  and,  from  fear  of  death, 
subscribed   an    Arian   confession.^     The   fall   of  this 

'  Hisloria  Aria/iorwu,  p.  41. 
239 


240    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

bishop  was  unquestioned  till  the  fifteenth  century, 
when  a  controversy  arose  on  the  subject,  which 
would  lead  us  astray  fi-om  our  subject,  did  wc 
attempt  to  follow  it. 

Damasus  was  candidate  for  the  see  in  367,  and 
the  contest  occasioned  riotous  proceedings,  the  rival 
candidates  being  supported  by  armed  adherents. 
It  is  curious  to  find  that  Theodoric  the  Goth,  an 
Arian,  was  requested  to  take  part  in  the  unseemly 
strife  ;  he  decided  in  favour  of  Damasus.  Peace  was 
not  secured  by  that  decision.  Charges  were  brought 
against  the  new  bishop  by  two  deacons,  who,  how- 
ever, were  condemned  as  false  accusers.  Scandals 
at  that  time  attracted  the  notice  of  Ammianus 
Marcellinus,^  who  satirised  the  Ecclesiastical  Court. 
"  Considering,"  he  remarks,  "  the  wealth  of  the  city, 
they  who  covet  such  things,  having  obtained  these 
honours,  are  justified  in  pursuing  them,  even  though 
it  be  with  contention,  for  they  will  be  enriched  with 
the  gifts  of  matrons,  and  will  ride,  sumptuously  clad, 
in  chariots,  and  make  profuse  entertainments,  vying 
with  regal  banquets."  But  the  writer  candidly  adds 
that  "  at  the  time,  such  a  case  was  exceptional,  and 
the   Romans  might  wisely  follow  the  habits  of  pro- 


'  Hist.,  XX.,  xxvii.,  3. 


Ch.  VII]    EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS  CATACOMBS       241 

vincial  pastors,  who  by  plainness  of  attire  and  pre- 
parations for  their  dinner-table  commend  themselves 
to  God  by  their  religious  simplicity."  Light  is 
incidentally  thrown  on  the  character  of  Damasus  by 
a  letter  found  in  the  correspondence  of  a  dis- 
tinguished contemporary,  Basil  the  Great.  He 
deprecates  sending  his  brother,  Gregory  of  Nyssa, 
on  a  mission  to  Rome,  whilst  Damasus  was  bishop 
there.  These  are  his  words  :  "  His  conference " 
{z.e.  Gregory's)  "  with  a  mild  and  benignant  man 
might  be  very  valuable,  but  not  with  one  so  exalted  " 
(namely,  Damasus),  "  raised  above  the  earth,  and 
seated  on  high,  therefore  unable  to  listen  to  any 
one  speaking  truth  ;  and  on  lower  ground,  how  can 
it  be  well  to  send  a  man  altogether  unaccustomed 
to  flattery  ? "  ^  The  Bishop  of  Rome  then  ruled 
the  provinces  of  middle  and  lower  Italy,  with  the 
islands  of  Corsica,  Sardinia,  and  Sicily. 

The  next  Roman  bishop  claiming  notice  is  Leo 
the  Great,  A.D.  440 — 460.  He  was  a  strict  disciplin- 
arian, and  to  his  clear  oversight  and  unrcmittin<T 
energy,  between  one  and  two  hundred  letters  of  his, 
still  preserved,  bear  ample  testimony. 


'  Basil  had  no  love  for  Damasus,  treated  him  as  an  equal, 
not  recognising  the  supremacy  of  the  Roman  see,  and  spoke  of 
"  Western  superciliousness  "  (Ep.  ii.,  215-239). 

16 


242    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

We  have  seen  what  kind  of  man  Hilary  of  Aries 
was.  He  came  ^  into  collision  with  Leo.  But  Leo 
gained  the  ear  of  Valentinian  HI.,  and  obtained 
from  the  Emperor  a  letter  speaking  of  Peter's  merits 
and  Rome's  dignity.  Valentinian  said  that  "  Leo's 
commands  would  be  valid  throughout  Gaul,  even 
without  imperial  sanction,  for  what  in  the  Church 
can  be  beyond  the  authority  of  such  a  pontiff?" 
Leo  responded,  "  Your  empire  is  given  you  not 
only  to  rule  the  world,  but  to  defend  the  Church."  ^ 
It  is  a  blot  on  the  name  of  Leo  that  he  vindicated 
the  persecution  of  Priscillian,  and  employed  force  as 
well  as  argument  against  the  Manicheans. 

In  writing  to  the  Bishop  of  Thessalonica,  Leo  is 
seen  pushing  authority  East  as  well  as  West.  "  Our 
care  extends  over  all  the  ChurcJies,  for  nothing  less 
than  this  is  required  of  us  by  the  Lord,  who  com- 
mitted to  the  Apostle  Peter  the  primacy  of  apostolic 


1  See  page  228  of  this  volume. 

2  "Nothing  can  exceed  the  ecclesiastical  authority  which 
is  recognised  as  belonging  to  the  Pope,  in  the  constitution  of 
Valentinian,  which  accompanied  Leo's  letter  into  Gaul,  in  the 
year  448,  on  occasion  of  the  conflict  between  Leo  and  Hilary 
of  Aries  {Leo  Mag.,  Ep.  xi.)." — Dictiottary  of  Christiaii  Bio- 
a-raphy,  art.  "Leo  L,"  vol.  iii.,  p.  655.  That  Valentinian  was 
much  under  Leo's  influence  is  proved  by  Leo's  letters  in  a.d.  440 
(Ep.  liv. — Iviii.). 


Ch.  VII]    EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS   CATACOMBS       243 


dignity  as  a  reward  for  his  faith,  grounding  the 
universal  Church  on  him  as  its  foundation  ;  in  fulfil- 
ment, then,  of  this  obligation  of  solicitude  which  lies 
upon  us,  we  would  share  it  with  those  who  are  joined 
with  us  in  a  common  office,  and  we  appoint  as  our 
vicegerent  Anastasius,  our  brother  bishop,  following 
the  example  of  our  predecessors,  whose  memory  we 
honour,  and  we  have  adjured  him  to  be  on  the  watch 
to  prevent  any  unlawful  presumption  ;  and  we  ad- 
monish you  to  give  him  obedience  in  matters  con- 
nected with  ecclesiastical  discipline."  ^ 

Ambrose  and  Hilary  may  be  said,  through  their 
own  claims,  and  by  their  own  submission,  however 
qualified,  to  have  raised  a  scaffolding  for  the  papal 
structure,  but  the  chief  corner-stone  was  laid  by  Leo 
himself  On  his  birthday,  as  the  date  of  his  conse- 
cration is  termed,  he  preached  a  sermon  maintaining 
that  Peter  was  chief  of  the  Apostles,  and  that  he 
was  the  channel  through  which  grace  flowed  to  his 
brethren.  Then  followed  the  assertion  that  Roman 
bishops  were  Peter's  successors  ;  that  they,  like  him, 
held  a  mediatorial  place ;  moreover,  that  as  the 
metropolis  of  the  empire  was  Rome,  so  the  Church  in 
that  city  through  him  became  Mother  of  Christendom.^ 

*  I  adopt  the  translation  in  Gore's  Leo  the  Great,  p.  104, 
^  Serm.  ii.,  2,  iii.,  Epistle  X. 


244    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

No  man  but  a  strong  one  operating  on  minds  in 
harmony  with  his  own  could  have  secured  obedience 
to  claims  so  unfounded  and  so  unreasonable. 

One  incident  in  Leo's  episcopate  has  been  magni- 
fied.    Tradition  says  :  "  Attila,  '  scourge  of  God,'  when 
he   was    making   havoc    in    that    country,   saw    two 
venerable  persons,  supposed  to  be  the  Apostles  Peter 
and  Paul,  standing  by  the  side  of  the  Bishop,  whilst 
he   was  speaking  to  the  fierce  warrior."      Veritable 
history    informs    us    that    when     the     warrior    was 
approaching  Rome  an    embassy  from   the   city   was 
sent   to   avert   his    vengeance.      Ambassadors    were 
graciously  received,  and  it  is  added  that  the  Bishop 
was  one   of  them,  who  by  his    striking   appearance 
made   a   favourable    impression    as    he   entered   the 
barbarian's     tent.       Topographers     endeavoured     to 
decide  where   the  interview  took  place,  fixing  on    a 
spot  near  the  charming  Lago  de  Garda,  in  "  Virgil's 
country,  within  sight  of  the  very  farm  where  Tityrus 
and  Meliboeus  chatted  at  evening  under  the  fig-tree."  * 
By  the  payment  of  a  ransom  Rome  was  saved  from 
Attila's  soldiery. 

During  the  Roman   bishopric   of   Felix   1 1 1.  (a.T). 
483 — 492)  a  strife  arose  respecting  the  Alexandrian 

'  Ilodgkins'  Italy  and  her  Iniiadcrs,  vol.  ii.,  p.  178. 


Ch.VII]   EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS   CATACOMBS       245 

see,  still  more  from  a  Monophysite  controversy 
during  the  Chalcedonian  Council.  The  Eastern 
Emperor  Zeno  (A.D.  474 — 475  and  477— 491)  proposed 
his  Henoticon,  or  plan  of  union,  between  Eutychians 
and  Nestorians.  This  was  offensive  to  Rome,  and 
its  bishop  threatened  with  excommunication  all  who 
adhered  to  the  Eastern  patriarch.  Later  Roman 
prelates  took  part  in  the  conflict. 

The  fascinating  Theodora,  wife  of  the  Eastern 
Emperor  Justinian,  brought  under  her  influence 
Vigilius  I.,  Bishop  of  Rome  (A.D.  537 — 555).  She 
sent  an  emissary  to  the  Western  capital  to  bring  over 
to  her  by  force  that  humiliated  prelate,  and  this 
clever  agent  actually  seized  his  Holiness  as  he  was 
officiating  in  the  Church  of  St.  Cecilia,  and  conveyed 
him  to  Constantinople.  It  is  said  that  at  the  passage 
of  Vigilius  down  the  Tiber  people  followed  the 
Bishop  with  curses,  and  also  pelted  him  with  sticks 
and  stones,  using  this  exprobation,  "  Mischievous 
hast  thou  been  to  the  city  of  Rome,  and  may  mischief 
go  along  with  thee."  Pelagius  I.  immediately  suc- 
ceeded, and  is  accused  of  causing  calamities  which 
befell  Vigilius. 

In  following  these  pontiffs  wc  have  passed  by  the 
fall  of  both  Roman  City  and  Empire  in  the  fifth 
century.      That   catastrophe  belongs  not  to  Church 


246   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Fart  11 

history,  but  v,'^  may  quote  what  Augustine  tells  us 
in  his  City  of  God,  how  places  of  Christian  worship 
became  refuges  for  the  besieged  : — 

"  Thither  did  such  of  the  enemy  as  had  any  pity 
convey  those  to  whom  they  had  given  quarter,  lest 
any,  less  mercifully  disposed,  might  fall  upon  them. 
And,  indeed,  when  even  those  murderers  who  every- 
where else  showed  themselves  pitiless  came  to  these 
spots  where  that  was  forbidden  which  the  licence 
of  war  permitted  in  every  other  place,  their  furious 
rage  for  slaughter  was  bridled  and  their  eagerness 
to  take  prisoners  was  quenched.  Thus  escaped 
multitudes  who  now  reproach  the  Christian  religion, 
and  impute  to  Christ  the  ills  that  have  befallen 
their  city  ;  but  the  preservation  of  their  own  life — a 
boon  which  they  owe  to  the  respect  entertained  for 
Christ  by  the  barbarians — they  attribute  not  to  our 
Christ,  but  to  their  own  luck.  And  they  ought  to 
attribute  it  to  the  spirit  of  these  Christian  timesj 
that,  contrary  to  the  custom  of  war,  these  blood- 
thirsty barbarians  spared  them,  and  spared  them 
for  Christ's  sake,  whether  this  mercy  was  actually 
shown  in  promiscuous  places,  or  in  those  places 
specially  dedicated  to  Christ's  name,  and  of  which 
the  very  largest  were  selected  as  sanctuaries,  that 
full    scope    might    thus    be   given    to   the   expansive 


Ch.  Vll]    EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS  CATACOMBS       247 


compassion    which   desired    that    a    large    multitude 
might  find  shelter  there."  ^ 

Gregory  the  Great  became  Bishop  of  Rome  in 
A.D.  590.  He  appointed  stations  for  Lent  solemnities 
and  other  great  festivals,  on  which  occasions  we  find 
him  riding  on  horseback,  escorted  by  deacons  and 
other  attendants,  from  the  Lateran  to  St.  Peter's  and 
St.  Maria  Maggiore.  He  was  ceremoniously  robed 
by  archdeacons,  and  then  conducted  to  the  choir, 
preceded  by  incense-bearers  and  men  carrying  seven 
candlesticks.  Psalms  were  sung  as  he  reached  his 
seat  behind  the  altar,  and  he  himself  habitually 
preached  on  chief  occasions.  I  remember  once  notic- 
ing, in  the  Church  of  Nereo  ad  Achilles,  a  part  of 
Gregory's  20th  homily  engraved  on  the  back  of  an 
episcopal  chair. 

Thinking  of  him  as  resident  in  Rome,  no  visitor  to 
the  city  can  omit  walking  to  St.  Gregorio,  where 
stood  the  Bishop's  residence.  Our  forefathers  in- 
spired his  pity  as  he  thought  of  the  little  boys 
in  the  Forum,  offered  for  sale  as  slaves,  who,  as 
he  said,  might  from  Angles  be  transformed  by  Divine 
grace  into  migeh. 

The  interest  which  Gregory  took  in  the  conversion 

'  Dc  ClvUdte  Dei,  i.,  i. 


248    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

of  Britain  was  very  great,  and  cannot  fairly  be  set 
down  to  the  credit  of  earthly  ambition,  intent 
upon  extension  of  authority  and  rule  :  whatever  we 
may  think  of  his  ecclesiastical  position  from  a 
Protestant  point  of  view,  it  is  only  fair  to  recognise 
his  missionary  zeal,  manifested  by  the  interest  he 
took  in  Augustine's  proceedings.  As  to  Gregory's 
theological  opinions,  I  may  add  he  believed  that  for 
some  minor  transgressions  there  is  a  purgatorial  fire 
previous  to  the  final  judgment.^  As  to  his  regard 
for  literature,  he  has  been  accused  of  burning  a  library 
of  heathen  books,  but  Tiraboschi  ^  has  defended 
him  against  that  charge,  though  Eichhorn^  quotes 
language  of  Gregory  showing  his  neglect  of  human 
learning. 

Looking  at  Gregory  as  incipient  Pope,  we  are 
reminded  of  his  correspondence  with  John  the  Faster, 
Patriarch  of  Constantinople.  John  assumed  the  title 
of  Ecumenical  Patriarch.  Gregory  said  the  title 
was  "  foolish,  pestiferous,  and  profane — a  sign  of 
Antichrist's  approach."  Yet  what  was  wrong  at 
Constantinople  was  soon  after  right  in  Rome.  "  Peter's 
successor.s,"  said  Gregory,  "  had  not  claimed  ecumeni- 
cal authority,  though  they  might  have  done." 

*  Dial.,  i\\,  39.  -  Vol.  iii.,  p.  102.  ■'  Vol.  ii.,  p.  443. 


Ch.  VII]   EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS   CATACOMBS       249 

Gregory's  account  of  the  apostolic  authority  claimed 
for  his  own  see  is  strange  enough.  "It  is,"  he  says, 
"  in  three  places — Antioch,  Alexandria,  and  Rome. 
Peter  was  at  Antioch  seven  years.  In  Alexandria  he 
was  represented  by  Mark.  In  Rome  he  died.  There- 
fore the  three  sees  are  one,  and  the  three  bishoprics 
are  one  in  Him  who  said,  '  I  am  in  My  Father,  and 
you  in  Me,  and  I  in  you.' "  ^  In  contrast  with  this 
wonderful  assumption,  Gregory  called  himself  "  Servus 
servorum  Dei."  It  should  be  added  that,  though  Jie 
objected  to  the  title  ''Ecumenical"  assumed  by  his 
Eastern  brother,  that  title  was  adopted  by  subsequent 
Bishops  of  Rome. 

The  development  of  patriarchal  power  under 
Gregory  appears  reaching  a  point  only  short  of  its 
later  supremacy.  There  can  be  no  doubt  control 
over  the  West  was  then  claimed,  and  conceded  to  a 
great  extent.  Episcopal  power  in  Europe  was  en- 
hanced not  only  by  what  might  be  called  ecclesiastical 
prerogative,  but  further  by  the  bestowment  of  property 
on  a  so-called  successor  of  the  Apostle  Peter.  The 
Bishop  became  a  large  landholder,  having  estates  in 
Italy,  Sicily,  and  elsewhere.  Waggons  by  road  and 
corn-ships  by  sea  conveyed  to  his  barns  load  after 
load  of  rich  grain. 

'  Ep.  xlvi. 


250   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Fart  II 

Gregory  has  left  behind  him  eight  hundred  letters, 
which  throw  light  on  his  affairs.  It  may  be  gathered 
from  them  how  much  of  business  he  had  to  superin- 
tend, how  many  churches  and  monasteries  were  under 
his  control.  An  interesting  incident  appears.  A 
bishop  took  possession  of  a  Jews'  synagogue  and 
made  it  a  church.  Gregory  decided  that  the  building 
could  not  be  restored  to  its  rightful  owners  now  it 
was  consecrated,  but  the  value  of  it  was  to  be  paid  to 
them  in  money.  Touching  Gregory's  letters,  historical 
justice  claims  the  remark  that  subserviency  to  the 
great,  the  flattery  of  princes,  and  connivance  at  crime 
where  it  ought  to  have  been  rebuked  have  been  fully 
proved  against  him  over  and  over  again.  An  instance 
of  it  appears  in  his  correspondence  with  Queen 
Brunhilda.  She  is  truly  designated  as  "  one  of  the 
Jezebels  of  history  "  ;  but  Gregory  expresses  joy  on 
account  of  her  "  Christian  spirit,"  ^  no  doubt  because 
of  her  liberality  to  the  Church. 

Gregory  accomplished  three  results  which  became 


'  The  view  taken  of  Gregory's  character  {Hist,  of  the  Later 
Roman  Empire^  by  Bury,  vol.  ii.,  pp.  1 51-158)  is,  I  think,  on  the 
whole,  just.  The  Bishop's  pohtical  and  military  policy  was 
effective.  His  conduct  in  relation  to  the  accession  of  Phocas 
to  the  Eastern  throne,  and  the  way  in  which  he  wrote  to  Brun- 
hilda, are  indefensible.     Yet  when,  as  Mr.  Bury  remarks,  "  we 


Ch.  VII]   EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS  CATACOMBS       251 

main  props  of  papal  power — i.e.  exemption  of 
monasteries  from  episcopal  control,  freedom  of  priests 
from  civil  jurisdiction,  and  effective  administration  of 
Peter's  patrimony. 

Notice  may  here  be  taken  of  Gregory's  authorship. 
The  best  known  work  of  his  is  a  Commentary  on  the 
Book  of  Job.  "  One  who  treats  of  Holy  Writ,"  he  says, 
"should  be  like  a  river  which  sometimes  overflows  its 
banks,  and  then  returns  to  its  own  channel."  ^  The 
Bishop's  exposition  has  no  banks  at  all.  It  overflows 
in  one  vast  deluge  of  allegorical  renderings.  His 
book  on  pastoral  care  was  translated  into  Greek 
by  order  of  the  Emperor,  and  into  English  by  the 
pen  of  our  good  Alfred.  The  work  is  fourfold,  to 
use  the  author's  words,  "  that  it  may  approach  the 
reader  by  ordered  steps  :  first,  how  a  man  should  enter 
into  office  ;  secondly,  how  he  should  live  afterwards  ; 
thirdly,  how  he  should  teach  as  well  as  live  ;  and 
fourthly,  how  a  teacher  ought  to  take  care  that  his 
life  and  teaching   do   not  puff  him   up."      Many  of 


take  into  arcount  tlie  ideas  of  that  age,  in  which  licresy  was 
looked  on  as  the  deadliest  sin  and  religious  zeal  as  efficient  to 
cancel  many  crimes,  it  is  hardly  to  1)0  wondered  that  Gregor}' 
treated  Brnnhilda  with  respect."  This,  however,  admits  that  he 
did  not  rise  above  the  opinions  and  habits  of  his  age. 
'  Introductory  Epistle,  ii. 


252    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

Gregory's  instructions  are  admirable,  and  it  is  aston- 
ishing how  a  man  who  wrote  so  well  on  pastoral 
care  could  compose  the  Dialogues  which  bear  his 
name. 

At  the  time  of  Gregory's  death,  ecclesiastical  Rome 
was  on  the  high  road  to  supremacy.  As  we  trace  the 
steps  we  find  nothing  like  them  in  the  world's  history. 
They  are  not  matched  by  any  in  Sparta  or  Athens. 
The  gradual  growth  of  Rome's  empire  was  fostered 
by  military  conquest  and  senatorial  wisdom.  It 
culminated  under  Caesar  Augustus.  What  followed 
down  to  the  time  of  Constantine's  reign  served  to 
place  the  imperial  city  above  all  others  in  the  world. 
The  city,  by  politics  and  war,  prepared  for  its  spiritual 
supremacy.  This  mother  city  of  mankind  was  made 
by  Roman  bishops  to  be  mistress  of  Christendom. 
The  process  required  time.  The  city  was  not  built 
in  a  day,  nor  was  the  supreme  authority  of  its  Church. 

When  in  Rome  many  years  ago  I  selected  the 
Catacombs  of  Callistus  for  examination,  and  having 
reached  them  on  a  beautiful  afternoon  was  admitted 
into  a  garden,  instead  of  entering  through  the  Church 
of  St.  Sebastian.  With  my  guide  I  descended  several 
steps,  carrying  a  lighted  taper,  and  presently  found 
myself  in  a  narrow  winding  passage  with  a  number  of 
recesses  cut  in  the  walls.     They  are  generally  arranged 


Ch.  VII]    EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS   CATACOMBS       253 

in  three  tiers,  one  above  another.  Some  are  long, 
sufficiently  so  as  to  receive  a  common-sized  corpse. 
Others  are  short,  pronounced  to  be  graves  for  children  ; 
but,  more  probably,  as  Rochette  thinks,  unfinished 
graves.  Among  openings  of  unequal  size  are  small 
square  ones  containing  cups.  Some  have  a  little  vessel 
represented  on  the  border,  others  with  part  of  the  slab 
broken  away  have  dust  and  bones  remaining  inside. 
Many  are  covered  with  tiles  and  left  vacant.  I  noticed 
sarcophagi  with  sculptures  of  boys  squeezing  grapes. 
The  passages  widened  and  bent  confusedly,  so  as  to 
defy  attempts  to  make  out  the  topography.  Some 
openings  had  been  blocked  up  with  stones.  Ascents 
and  descents  and  passages  one  above  another  bring 
into  view  frescoes  and  classical  monuments,  orna- 
mented with  a  dove  and  a  shepherd  watching  his 
flock.  There  are  excavated  chapels,  containing  rude 
representations  of  the  marriage  at  Cana,  the  healing 
of  the  paralytic,  and  the  casting  of  Jonah  into  the  sea. 
One  sees  confused  figures  of  peacocks,  sea-horses, 
dolphins,  and  other  objects,  with  Christians  kneeling 
down  to  pray  by  martyrs'  graves. 

The  establishment  of  Christianity  commenced  a  new 
era  in  the  history  of  the  Catacombs.  Subterranean 
pagan  interments  came  to  an  end,  perhaps  gradually. 
Damasus  repaired  and  decorated   these  chambers  of 


254    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Partll 

the  dead,  constructing  new  staircases  for  pilgrims,  as 
well  as  searching  after  remains  of  martyrs.  This 
excitement  did  not  last  long,  and  between  A.D.  375 
and  400  subterranean  interments  were  only  one  in 
three.  The  taking  of  Rome  by  Alaric  so  affected 
Catacomb  burials  that  scarcely  an  instance  at  that 
period  is  recorded.  But  pilgrims  flocked  in  crowds, 
and  the  Church  must  have  been  excited  and  increased 
in  consequence. 

Jerome  ^    tells    us  :   "  In  Rome,  whilst  engaged  in 

literary  pursuits,  I  was  accustomed,  in  company  with 

others  of  my  own  age  and  actuated  by  similar  feelings 

to  my  own,  to  visit  the  sepulchres  of  Apostles  and 

Martyrs,  and  often  to  go  down  into  the  crypts,  dug  in 

the  earth's  heart,  where  walls  on  either  side  are  lined 

with  dead   bodies,   and    where     the   darkness    is   so 

intense  that  one  almost  realises  the  prophet's  words, 

'  They  go  down  alive  into  Hades,'  though  here  and 

there  a  scanty  aperture,  ill  deserving   the   name  of 

window,  admits  scarcely  light  enough  to  mitigate  the 

gloom  which  reigns  around  ;  and  as  we  advance  with 

cautious  steps  we  are  forcibly  reminded   of  Virgil's 

words,  '  Horror  on  all  sides,  even  the  silence  terrifies 

one's  mind.' "  '^ 

>  Born  about  345,  died  420.  *  In  Ezechtel,  c.  .xl. 


Ch.  VII]    EPISCOPAL  ROME  AND  ITS  CATACOMBS       255 

There  is  a  famous  pictorial  representation  in  the 
chapel  pertaining  to  the  cemetery  of  Marcellinus  and 
Peter.  It  represents  a  half-circular  table,  at  which 
persons  are  seated,  with  a  matron-like  looking  lady- 
placed  at  each  end.  A  smaller  table  stands  in  front, 
with  some  eatables  placed  on  it,  with  a  servant  near, 
apparently  waiting  for  commands.  A  tall  vessel 
is  placed  in  front  of  the  group,  and  on  the  wall  at 
the  back  are  two  inscriptions,  one  with  the  words 
"  Irene,  da  calda  "  ("  Peace,  give  me  hot  water"),  and 
the  other  "  Agape,  misce  mi "  ("  Love,  mix  me  some 
wine  ").  Some  have  supposed  this  picture  depicts  an 
agape,  or  love-feast,  such  as  early  accompanied  the 
Eucharist,  or  Lord's  Supper,  but  afterwards  became  a 
usage  by  itself,  and  at  last  a  scandal,  so  as  to  cause  its 
being  abolished.  Other  critics  regard  the  picture  as 
intended  to  represent  something  quite  different,  i.e.  a 
funeral  supper,  which  seems  to  me  an  improbable 
explanation. 

We  find  in  the  Catacombs  at  the  period  under 
review  representations  of  Noah's  Ark  and  the  dove 
with  an  olive  branch  in  its  mouth,  also  of  Abraham 
offering  up  Isaac,  Moses  on  Mount  Sinai  receiving 
God's  law,  the  prophet  Jonah  swallowed  by  a  whale, 
Daniel  in  the  lions'  den.  Conspicuous  amongst  sucJi 
representations  is  a  portrait  of  our  blessed  Lord,  with 


256    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


a  noble  head  and  flowing  locks,  and  a  countenance 
some  think  fashioned  after  that  of  Jupiter.  All  these 
bear  witness  to  the  fact  that  many  Romans  of 
later  times  were  different  from  their  fathers  under 
Caesar  Augustus.  The  Church  had  degenerated,  but 
it  still  was  free  from  many  beliefs  and  practices  which 
prevailed  in  after  ages. 

A  large  collection  of  Catacomb  slabs,  without  date, 
evidently  from  their  character  and  writing  belong  to 
an  early  period.  Many  inscriptions  are  rudely  carved 
and  badly  spelt,  showing  the  ignorance  of  survivors 
and  the  poverty  of  buried  friends. 

Catacombs  of  the  fourth  century  form  a  distinct 
class  from  earlier  ones.  A  monogram  of  Constantine 
belongs  to  that  period,  and  near  it  we  meet  with  a 
stream  of  water,  said  to  have  been  used  for  baptism. 
The  Catacomb  of  St.  Ponziano  contains  a  more 
perfect  baptistery.  One  of  the  most  interesting  relics 
is  a  sarcophagus  representing  Christ  and  Peter,  the 
former  on  the  right,  the  latter  on  the  left  side  of  a 
column,  surmounted  by  a  bird — no  doubt  a  memento 
of  the  cock-crowing.  At  the  back  there  is  a  view  of  a 
church  and  baptistery  such  as  belonged  to  that  period, 
— the  first  oblong  and  barn-like,  having  a  blank  wall, 
gable  ends,  and  a  sloping  roof ;  the  second  of  circular 
form,  with  a  curtain  hung  in  the  doorway. 


Ch.  VII]    EPISCOPAL   ROME  AND  ITS  CATACOMBS      257 


The  Catacomb  of  St.  Agnese  is  near  the  church  of 
that  name.  The  passages  in  it  are  Hned  with  loculi 
— recesses  fitted  in  some  cases  to  receive  two  bodies, 
in  others  only  one.  Names  of  consuls  in  the  year 
A.D.  336  occur  in  this  part.  A  palm  of  victory  is 
scratched  on  the  mortar,  and  remains  of  glass  phials 
are  found  near,  which  some  suppose  belonged  to  a 
martyr's  memory.  A  square  chamber  occurs  in  the 
same  place,  with  an  armchair  hewn  out  of  the  rock, 
said  to  have  been  used  by  a  catechist  who  there 
kept  school.  Another  apartment  just  by  is  reported 
to  have  been  a  chapel,  and  bears  marks  of  altar  and 
credence-table.  The  roof  represents  Christ  sitting 
between  the  Old  and  New  Testaments. 

It  is  common  with  Roman  Catholics  to  search  in 
the  Catacombs  for  what  may  seem  to  confirm  their 
views  of  faith  and  worship.  On  the  other  hand, 
Protestants  apply  themselves  to  finding  learned 
reasons  for  refuting  their  opponents.  But  this  is  not 
the  way  to  improve  a  visit  into  these  subterranean 
regions.  Do  not  plunge  into  controversy  as  you 
walk  amidst  these  memorials  of  the  past.  It 
appears  that  at  the  period  when  the  Catacombs 
were  used  as  sepulchres,  typical  representations  of 
Christianity  were  in  the  ascendant ;  and  ideas  and 
practices    were    developed    in    forms    which    should 

17 


258    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF   CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

have  startled  early  Christian  believers.  Such  and 
such  things  are  said  to  have  a  tendency  to  prepare 
for  superstitions  which  followed  ;  therefore  in  early 
days  good  people  should  have  foreseen  the  conse- 
quences, and  avoided  what  was  sure  to  prepare  for 
them.  Very  true  to  a  certain  extent,  but  the  fact 
is,  they  zuere  not  foreseen,  for  want  of  what  we  have 
learned  from  subsequent  history. 


CHAPTER   VIII 

L  A  TIN     D I  VINIT  Y 

"  /  ^  OD  hath  made  of  one  blood  all  nations  of 
V_X  men  for  to  dwell  on  all  the  face  of  the 
earth."  There  is  a  family  likeness  throughout  the 
human  race  ;  yet  with  resemblances  there  are  dif- 
ferences. Studying  the  literature  of  past  ages,  we 
soon  discover  habits  of  thought  which  may  be 
classified  according  to  distinctness  of  race  and  indi- 
vidual idiosyncrasies.  The  fact  strikes  us  in  reading 
patristic  theology.  Greek  Fathers  of  Alexandria 
manifest  a  way  of  thinking  different  from  Latins  at 
the  decline  of  the  Empire.  Clement  and  Origen  can 
never  be  confounded  with  Gregory  and  Augustine. 
Not  only  do  their  languages  differ,  but  habits  of 
thought  also  differ.  Western  theology  and  Eastern 
theology  are  easily  distinguishable — the  earlier  is 
more  ideal  and  speculative,  the  later  more  energetic 
and    practical.      This    we   shall   see   as  we   proceed. 


26o   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 


The  Latins  of  Rome  and  Hippo  have  a  way  of 
looking  at  things,  distinguishable  from  that  of  Greeks 
in  Alexandria.  Topics  of  different  kinds  arrest  and 
absorb  attention. 

Easterns  were  foremost  in  a  desire  to  penetrate 
mysteries  of  the  Divine  nature.  Western  theo- 
logians, while  not  standing  so  far  off  as  never  to 
engage  in  what  was  dear  to  Oriental  thinkers, 
addicted  themselves  chiefly  to  the  study  of  Divine 
government,  and  its  relation  to  human  activity. 

We  meet  at  the  head  of  Latin  Christian  authors, 
when  chronologically  arranged,  one,  however,  who 
largely  dwelt  on  modes  of  instruction  such  as  were 
distinctive  of  the  Oriental  class.  Ambrose,  Bishop 
of  Milan  (A.D.  374 — 397),  was,  as  we  shall  see 
hereafter,  much  more  distinguished  as  an  ecclesiastical 
administrator  than  as  a  doctrinal  divine,  but  he 
largely  addicted  himself  to  mystical  interpretations 
of  Holy  Writ  though  I  should  question  whether  he 
could  fully  enter  into  Origen's  method  of  treating 
it.  He  made  Basil  his  model,  and,  indeed,  some- 
times did  little,  if  anything,  more  than  render  into 
Latin  what  he  found  in  writings  of  that  Greek 
expositor. 

Ambrose  was  ascetic,  as  well  as  mystical.  Six 
of  his    works,    covering    more    than    three    hundred 


Ch.  VIIIJ 


LATIN  DIVINITY  261 


pages,  closely  printed,  in  double  columns  (Migne's 
Edit),  are  devoted  to  the  subject  of  virgins  and 
widows.  He  has  six  books  on  the  sacraments,  two 
De  Penitentid,  and  three  De  Officiis. 

Augustine,  who  stands  at  the  head  of  Latin 
divines,  claims  more  particular  attention.  We  have 
seen  something  of  his  history.  Now  we  turn  to 
his  writings.^ 

He  has  left  a  treatise  "on  the  Trinity,"  full  of 
subtle  criticism  touching  Arianism  and  other  errors. 
Twelve  of  its  fifteen  divisions  contain  Scripture  proofs 
bearing  on  the  subject,  and  the  rest  are  chiefly 
employed  in  answering  objections.  He  tells  us 
he  began  it  when  young,  and  finished  it  when 
old  ;  this  shows  that  throughout  life  he  never  lost 
sight  of  that  which  absorbed  the  attention  of  Oriental 
Fathers. 

As  to  sacraments,  Augustine  seems  to  have  been 
decidedly  Catholic  in  doctrines  respecting  the  Church 
and  Baptism  ;  on  the  cardinal  points  of  Latin 
orthodoxy  he  follows  the  older  African   theologians 

'  It  is  worth  noticing  that  in  England,  after  the  Relormation, 
high  churchmen  were  drawn  to  the  Greek  Fathers,  and  Puritans 
to  the  Latin,  especially  Augustine.  Much  the  same  difference 
occurred  in  the  Tractarian  controversy  between  Puseyites  and 
Evangelicals. 


262    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  H 

in  a  symbolical  theory  of  "  the  supper."  This  is  Dr. 
Schafif's  opinion,  but  I  question  whether  Augustine  was 
what  is  generally  understood  by  the  word  symbolist.^ 
He  distinguished,  I  think,  between  the  outward  sign 
and  the  inward  grace,  and  considered  that  those 
who  did  not  believe  in  Christ  so  as  to  abide  in  Hiin, 
had  no  share  in  the  blessing  of  Holy  Communion. 

Augustine  is  most  eminent  in  that  department  of 
study  which  relates  to  the  moral  condition  of  man- 
kind and  Divine  purposes  respecting  them.  Some 
factors  in  his  system  are  found  in  earlier  writers,  but 
his  views  mainly  resulted  from  a  study  of  Scripture 
under  the  effect  of  his  own  experience.  The  turning- 
point  in  his  history  occurred  in  a  change  he  ex- 
perienced at  Milan. 

The  first  time,  many  years  ago,  I  visited  that  city, 
the  story  of  his  conversion,  as  he  relates  it,  followed 
my  thoughts  with  a  strange  fascination.  I  passed  a 
little  garden  with  fruit  trees.  I  could  fancy  I  saw  the 
young  man  and  his  friend  Alypius,  the  former  apart, 
tearing  his  hair,  beating  his  forehead,  clasping  his 
knees,  and  throwing  himself  on  the  ground  "  under 
a  certain  fig-tree,"  when  he  heard  a  child  chanting 
"  Tolle,    lege "    ("  Take   up   and    read ").      Augustine 

1  Schaff's  Hist,  of  Christian  Church,  vol,  ii.,  pp.  498,  499. 


Ch.VIII]  LATIN  DIVINITY  263 

opened  his  New  Testament,  and  read,  "  Not  in  rioting 
and  drunkenness,  not  in  chambering  and  wantonness, 
not  in  strife  and  envying  "  (the  words  pointed  to  his 
past  life),  "  but  put  ye  on  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ,  and 
make  not  provision  for  the  flesh."  "  No  further 
words  I  then  read,"  he  says,  "  nor  needed  I,  for 
instantly,  at  the  end  of  this  sentence,  by  a  serene 
light  let  into  my  heart,  the  darkness  of  doubt  fled 
away."^  It  was  a  sudden  conversion,  and  the  sudden- 
ness had  no  little  eff"ect  on  his  theology  afterwards. 
He  saw  at  once  how  he  had  sinned,  and  how  he 
could  be  saved,  not  by  his  own  righteousness,  but  by 
putting  on  the  Lord  Jesus,  and  that  God  had  been 
beforehand  with  him  in  this  change.  He  was  in  his 
thirty-second  year  when  he  thus  became  a  new 
creature  in  Christ.  Jesus. 

Augustine  before  his  conversion,  and  whilst  leading 
an  immoral  life,  had  not  been  indifferent  to  philo- 
sophical speculations.  Very  imperfectly  acquainted 
with  Greek,  he  was  not  altogether  ignorant  of 
Neoplatonic  opinions.  Manicheism  seems  for  a  while 
to  have  had  a  great  hold  on  his  thoughts,  though  he 
does  not  appear  to  have  gone  deeply  into  that  sub- 
ject.    We  find  nothing  in  what  Augustine  wrote  as  a 


Augustine,  Confessio7!s,  viii.,  c.  29. 


264    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [p.art  II 

Christian  theologian  at  all  resembling  the  lucubra- 
tions of  Alexandrian  divines,  though  he  was  far  from 
confining  himself  to  strictly  religious  thoughts. 

The  distinctive  elements  of  his  creed  were  that 
Divine  predestination  and  a  human  acceptance  of 
the  gospel,  under  the  influence  of  the  Holy  Spirit, 
constituted  the  basis  of  individual  salvation.  A 
touch  of  philosophical  realism  may  be  recognised  in 
Augustine's  idea  of  the  essence  of  humanity  being 
folded  up  in  Adam — a  belief  not  accepted  by  Origen 
and  other  Greeks.  Augustine  worked  out  his  ideas 
to  the  full  extent  of  their  consequences.  We  are 
struck  with  his  boldness  in  avowing  conclusions  he 
could  not  resist.  He  walked  with  unfaltering  steps 
into  dark  mysteries,  and  with  open  eyes  gazed  on 
awful  wonders.  In  after-life  sometimes  the  dialecti- 
cian was  mastered  by  the  saint ;  and,  stepping  back 
from  the  edge  of  a  fathomless  abyss,  he  would  turn 
to  the  effulgent  throne  of  love,  saying,  "  Let  God  be 
true,  and  every  man  a  liar."  He  wrote,  "If  there  be 
no  grace  of  God,  how  doth  He  save  the  world  ? " 
Again,  "  If  there  be  no  free  will,  how  doth  He  judge 
the  world?"  In  two  of  his  works  he  held  that 
human  freedom  is  consistent  with  Divine  fore- 
knowledge and  predestination.^ 

'  Ep.  214;  Wiggers,  i.,  p.  136. 


Ch.  VIII] 


LATIN  DIVINITY  265 


Schemes  of  metaphysical  thought,  especially  of 
a  Neoplatonic  order,  had  occupied  his  attention, 
and  this  fact  must  be  taken  into  account  when  we 
study  his  opinions.  He  had  been  changeful  in 
his  course  of  thinking,  taking  up  and  laying  down 
from  time  to  time  metaphysical  theories ;  this  fact 
should  be  remembered  throughout  the  study  of  his 
theological  opinions.  We  cannot  think  of  his 
Christian  life  without  remembering  his  previous  and 
subsequent  mental  habits.  Especially  should  we 
bear  in  mind  his  strong  convictions  of  Divine  recti- 
tude in  the  government  of  the  world,  and  of  the  deep 
sinfulness  of  mankind.^  Nor  should  we  forget  that 
what  would  appear  to  many  decided  contradictions 
he  could  reconcile  to  his  own  satisfaction  ;  for  his 
mental  acuteness  made  him  wonderfully  dexterous  in 
handling  an  argument.  I  may  add  that  in  striving 
to  understand  some  of  his  writings,  and  Neander's 
explanations  of  them,  one  is  often  perplexed. 

In  the  course  of  time,  after  Augustine's  conversion, 
a  change  occurred  in  his  opinions.  It  is  thought 
by  some  critics  his  views  of  predestination  underwent 

1  It  is  remarkable  that  the  maxim,  "Sub  justo  Deo  quisquam  nisi 
merentur,  miser  essenon  potest,"  is  said  to  be  found  in  Augustine's 
writings.  Quoted  by  Hallam  in  his  Literature  of  Europe,  iv., 
p.  237.     He  gives  no  reference  to  Augustine's  published  works. 


266    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOIVS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

alteration.  At  one  period — about  the  year  A.D.  394 
— he  wrote  a  book  entitled  De  Vera  Religione  et  de 
Libera  Arbitrio  ;  and  afterwards  came  out  his  ex- 
position of  difficult  passages  in  Paul's  Epistle  to 
the  Romans.  It  was  called  Explicatio  prepositionum 
quartmdam  de  Epistola  ad  Ronianos.  His  principles 
at  one  period  respecting  Divine  election  were  that 
it  was  conditioned  by  Divine  foreknowledge  of  in- 
dividual faith.  In  proportion  as  Augustine  "  learned 
to  place  a  higher  value  and  dignity  on  faith,  and 
belief  on  authority  came  to  be  refined  and  transfigured 
into  an  idea  of  living  faitJi,  in  the  same  proportion 
it  became  clear  to  him  that  faith  pre-supposed  an 
entrance  of  Divine  life  into  the  soul."  ^  According 
to  this  representation,  Augustine  at  one  time  based 
Divine  election  on  the  foresight  of  a  believer's 
trust  in  God.  But  afterwards  he  believed  Christian 
faith  was  an  inspiration  on  the  part  of  Heaven,  and 
that  a  Divine  purpose  was  an  original  cause  of 
individual  salvation. 

Dr.  Hampden  remarks  that  we  find  in  Augustine 
"  no  exact  theory  of  Divine  and  human  agency  in  their 
relation  to  each  other.     His  opinions  are  so  qualified 


'  See  Neander's  Church  Hist.,  translated  by  Tnrrey,  vol,  iv., 
pp.  304-311- 


Ch.  VIII]  LATIN  DIVINITY  267 

in  some  instances,  and  so  unqualified  in  others,  that 
different  conckisions  have  been  drawn  from  them 
by  Jansenists  and  Jesuits." 

The  speculations  of  Augustine  were  taken  up  and 
carried  out  by  mediaeval  schoolmen,  and  wrought 
into  a  system  preserving  main  characteristics  of  the 
African  Father's  theology.  Predestination,  regarded 
as  the  sole  primary  cause  of  all  our  actions,  as  they 
are  moral  and  Christian,  as  they  have  any  worth 
in  them  or  any  happiness,  was  asserted  in  that 
theology  in  the  most'  positive  manner.  "  But  repro- 
bation, as  it  implies  a  theory  of  the  moral  evil  of 
the  world,"  Dr.  Hampden  remarks,  "  I  think  I  may 
confidently  say  is  no  part  of  the  system.  The 
term,  indeed,  is  derived  from  the  schoolmen,  and 
so  far  they  are  chargeable  with  having  perplexed 
theology  with  the  disquisitions  arising  out  of  it."  ^ 
The  sins  of  the  schoolmen  ought  not  to  be  visited 
on  Augustine.  "  But  if  there  must  be  a  theory,  the 
schoolmen  were  so  far  right  that  they  simply 
endeavoured  to  trace  the  Divine  goodness  as  mani- 
fested by  nature  and  revelation  to  its  primary  cause 
in  the  Divine  Being."  The  predestination  insisted 
on  by  Augustine   was  a  predestination  in  reference 

'  Hampden's  Bampton  Led.,  p.  181. 


268    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

to  goodness,  not  evil.  It  may  be  thought  repro- 
bation is  implied  in  what  he  says  ;  but  it  is  not 
just  to  assume  that  such  an  impHcation  was 
consciously  accepted  and  defended  by  him.  People 
are  liable  to  inconsistency,  and  spiritual  instinct 
will  often  incline  a  theologian  to  resist  a  con- 
clusion which  opponents  may  logically  draw  from 
his  premisses.  Augustine  says  a  great  deal  I 
should  not  accept,  but  he  distinctly  declares  God  is 
not  the  author  of  sin  in  the  reprobate.^ 

There  was  another  controversy  in  which  Augustine 
was  engaged.  His  anti-Pelagian  works  form  a  con- 
siderable portion  of  his  writings.  Bede  says : 
"  Pelagius,  a  British  monk,  spread  far  and  near  the 
infection  of  his  perfidious  doctrine  against  the 
assistance  of  Divine  grace,  being  seconded  therein 
by  his  associate,  Julianus  of  Campania,  whose  anger 
was  kindled  by  the  loss  of  his  bishopric,  of  which  he 
had  been  deprived.""  It  is  known  from  his  writings 
that  Pelagius  was  shocked  by  prevalent  ungodliness 
and  immorality,  even  among  professed  Christians  ; 
and  this,  I  think,  led  him  to  resolve  true  piety  into 
moral  endeavours,  the  absence  of  which  he  saw 
plainly,  in  many  who  were  proud  of  their  orthodoxy. 

*  Opera,  vol.  ii.,  p.  934.  ^  Eccl.  Hist.,  i.,  chap.  x. 


Ch.  Vi!I]  LATIN  DIVINITY  269 


Pelagius  quoted  Jerome  as  favourable  to  his  views  ; 
but  this  was  going  too  far,  for  though  Jerome's  tone 
of  remarks  with  reference  to  Pelagianism  in  a  dialogue 
he  wrote  on  the  subject  ^  was  much  milder  than  that 
of  Augustine  and  others,  the  system  was  treated  by 
him  as  heresy,  under  the  Church's  ban.  Jerome 
was  not  like  Augustine,  but  reduced  election  to  a 
foresight  of  human  choice,  though  he  did  not  endorse 
Pelagianism. 

The  controversy  touching  Divine  grace  and  the 
human  will  took  a  new  turn  in  the  South  of  France, 
where,  on  its  sunny  shores,  extreme  views  entertained 
by  the  two  leaders  were  considerably  modified  by 
certain  thinkers.  John  Cassian,  founder  and  abbot 
of  a  famous  monastery  near  where  Marseilles  now 
stands,  had,  in  his  youth,  come  under  the  influence 
of  Chrysostom's  teaching,  and  felt  strongly  the 
importance  of  moral  obligation,  and  the  duty  of 
insisting  upon  this,  in  all  religious  teaching.  Being 
convinced  that  we  are  saved  by  grace,  he  was  no 
less  convinced  that  men  are  free  agents,  and  in- 
dividually responsible.     The   system  of  Cassian  has 

'  Dialogue  c.  Pelag. :  Hier.,  Opera,  ii.,  pp.  693-806.  "  Pelagius 
was  at  first  on  friendly  terms  with  Jerome,  but  disagreements 
soon  arose  between  them,  and  Jerome  became  his  vehement 
opponent." — Robertson's  Eccl.  Hist.,  ii.,  p.  144. 


270   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS    OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

been  called  semi- Pelagian,  because  it  blended  with 
the  opinions  of  Augustine  some  ideas  which  were 
held  by  his  antagonist. 

In  concluding  this  notice  of  Augustine,  let  me  add 
a  sentence  from  a  famous  book  written  by  William 
Tyndale  at  the  Reformation  period  :  "  Augustine 
complaineth  in  his  days  how  that  the  condition  and 
state  of  the  Jews  was  more  easy  than  the  Christians 
under  traditions,  so  sore  had  the  tyranny  of  the 
shepherds  invaded  the  flock  already  in  those  days."  ^ 
The  lynx-eyed  reformer  discovered  in  the  writings 
of  Augustine  a  proof  that  superstitions  in  worship, 
preparatory  to  later  ones,  culminating  in  mediaeval 
Christendom,  began  in  the  fifth  century,  and  attracted 
the  notice  of  Augustine. 

In  the  year  A.D.  529  a  council  was  held  at  Orange, 
a  city  on  the  Rhone,  retaining  still  an  old  Roman 
arch,  not  far  from  Avignon.  Bishop  Caesarius 
presided  on  the  occasion,  and  it  was  decided  that 
the  sin  of  Adam  injured  the  soul,  not  the  body 
only — that  grace  disposes  us  to  pray,  that  good 
thoughts  arc  gifts  of  God,  and  that  we  have  no 
merit  of  our  own.  This  doctrine  has  been  denomi- 
nated semi-Augustinianism  ;  and  it  is  said  by  a  critic 

'  Tyndale's  answer  to  the  Dialogue  of  Sir  1  homas  More. 


Ch.  VIIIJ  LATIN  DIVINITY  271 


who  has  carefully  consulted  the  decrees  at  Orange 
that  it  would  be  difficult  to  point  out  one  of  them 
not  borrowed,  zvoni  for  zvord,  from  Augustine,  or 
from  those  who  followed  him,  in  controversy  with 
Pelagians  or  semi-Pelagians.  The  gist  of  the 
canon  is  "  that  evil  is  not  the  result  of  predestina- 
tion, but  it  is  God  alone  who  inspires  us  with 
faith  and  love."  ^ 

In  looking  at  Augustine's  theology,  we  must 
regard  it,  at  one  time  in  connection  with  habits 
and  opinions  he  had  previously  held.  When  a  man 
changes  his  convictions,  he  may  still  be  influenced 
by  old  habits  of  thought  and  feeling.  We  cannot 
conceive  of  Origcn,  with  his  early  experience  and 
character,  passing  through  such  a  change  as 
Augustine  did.  Origen's  experience  and  character 
in  childhood  and  youth  had  prepared  him  for  a 
goitle  transition  into  a  state  of  spiritual  thoughtful- 
ness,  sentiment,  and  action,  such  as  we  discover 
in  his  after-life.  But  the  mental  struggles  and  the 
immoral  indulgences  of  young  Augustine  were 
only  natural  antecedents  to  a  passionate  conversion, 


'  Did.  of  Christian  Antiq.,  vol.  ii.,  p.  1462  ;  also  Smitlis 
Christian  Biography,  vol.  i.,  p.  378.  Sec  also  Council  0/  Orange, 
and  Schatt's  Hist,  of  Christian  Church,  iii.,  pp.  865  ct  scq. 


2  72    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Pai-i  II 

and  his  spiritual  life,  his  terrible  conllicts,  indeed 
all  his  exceptional  experience,  gave  cliaracteristic 
form  to  his  theology  afterwards.  In  like  manner, 
when  we  contemplate  the  early  days  of  Chrysostom, 
we  see  how  impossible  it  was  that  he  should 
traverse  such  a  course  of  thought  and  feeling  as 
Augustine  encountered. 

At  another  controversy  of  those  days  I  can  afford 
but  a  glance.  Manicheism,  in  some  form  or  other, 
had  long  troubled  the  Church.  It  was  a  sort  of 
Gnostic  outgrowth, — in  its  metaphysical  aspect  a 
developed  contrast  between  light  and  darkness, 
good  and  evil  ;  in  its  moral  aspect  resembling 
Buddhism,  ascetic,  with  reverence  for  life  in  every 
form.  It  taught  the  essential  evil  of  matter — that 
it  was  the  hotbed  of  sin,  the  curse  of  the  world. 
Manicheism  had  led  Augustine  astray,  and  its 
mischievous  influence  is  a  burden  bewailed  in 
the  Confessions.  Leo  the  Great  carried  on  a  war 
of  extermination  against  this  heresy.  He  authorised 
a  diligent  search  through  Rome  for  its  abettors,  and 
discovered  a  number  of  people  implicated  in  its 
maintenance  and  diffusion.  He  attacked  it  in  one 
of  his  sermons,  declaring  '■  all  other  heresies,  how- 
ever justly  to  be  condemned,  have  yet  a  hold,  each 
in   its   way,    upon    some    elementary    truth  ;    but    in 


Ch.  VUl]  LATIN  DIVINITY  273 


Manicheism  there  is  nothing  which,  from  any  point 
of  view,  can  be  regarded  as  tolerable."^ 

The  Divine  Word  so  absorbed  the  thoughtful ness 
of  the  Church  in  the  carher  centuries  that  the 
redemption  of  men,  though  the  consequence  of  His 
Incarnation  and  death,  received  comparatively  little 
distinct  attention.  Christians,  however,  pondered 
the  words  of  Paul  in  his  Epistle  to  the  Colossians : 
"  Having  forgiven  you  all  trespasses,  blotting  out 
the  handwriting  of  ordinances  that  was  against  us, 
which  was  contrary  to  us,  and  took  it  out  of  the 
way,  nailing  it  to  His  cross  ;  and  having  spoiled 
principalities  and  powers,  He  made  a  show  of  them 
openly,  triumphing  over  them  in  it." 

Calvary  thus  comes  within  view,  as  a  battle-ground 
where  Christ  was  victorious.  The  Fathers,  in  fluctuat- 
ing and  perplexing  ways,  employed  this  figure  to 
denote  the  accomplishment  of  redemption,  through 
means  devised  by  the  great  enemy  to  prevent  it. 
The  idea  entertained  was  that  the  wisdom  of  God 
overreached  the  subtlety  of  Satan.  In  the  wilderness, 
on  the  mountain  top,  and  on  the  temple  wing  at 
Jerusalem  Satan's  cunning  found  in  the  Lord  a 
wisdom  which  baffled  it.      The  agony  in  the  garden 


'  Quoted  in  Leo  the  Great  by  Gore,  p.  43. 

18 


2  74   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

and  the  death  on  the  cross  were  facts  of  a  different 
order  from  Christ's  temptation  and  His  defeat  of  the 
tempter  ;  yet  Irenaeus  and  Origen,  amongst  ante- 
Nicene  divines,  Hke  those  who  followed,  did  not 
adopt  the  true  conception.  The  sacrificial  character, 
the  reconciling  power,  the  vicarious  aspect  of  the 
Atonement  more  or  less  dropped  out  of  sight. 
Yet  Fathers  ascribed  salvation  to  the  blood  of 
Christ,  and  Leo  the  Great,  though  not  free  from 
influences  of  an  old  prevalent  conception,  distinctly 
states  that  "  in  Christ's  death  an  oblation — a  true 
sacrifice  for  sin — was  offered  to  His  Father."  ^  Such 
a  theory  of  the  Incarnation  and  Atonement  as  is 
propounded  in  the  Cur  Deus  Homo,  so  far  as  I  am 
aware,  was,  in  the  sixth  century,  unthought  of,  and 
waited  for  its  elucidation  by  Anselm.  It  is  remarkable 
with  what  tenacity  the  old  patristic  notion  of  Christ's 
death  kept  its  hold  on  theological  minds,  so  far  as 
the  subject  interested  them.  The  way  in  which  the 
Fathers  wrote  upon  the  efficacy  of  our  Lord's  sufferings 
can  be  scarcely  called  a  theory  of  the  Atonement  at  all. 
They  confined  their  thoughts  to  a  victory  over  Satan 
by  Divine  wisdom  defeating  satanic  purposes. 

When  we  proceed  to  the  doctrine  of  J7istification, 

^  Sermo  lix.,  5  ;  Ep.  cxxiv.,  2 ;  Ixiv.,  23. 


Ch.  VIII]  LATIN  DIVINITY  275 


held  by  Western  divines,  wc  ask,  What  did  they  mean 
by  the  word?  They  speak  of  its  grace  and  say  that 
it  comes  by  faith — but  how  ?  Some  evangeHcal 
critics  have  picked  out  passages,  in  order  to  show 
that  Latin  Fathers  held  Protestant  views  on  the 
subject.  Cited  words  here  and  there  may  seem  to 
support  what  such  critics  maintain  ;  but,  when  the 
whole  range  of  patristic  teaching  at  the  time  is  sur- 
veyed, citations  fail.  Take  Augustine,  and  you  may 
find  passages  which  read  as  though  they  meant  what 
Reformers  did  ;  but  turn  to  De  Gratia  Christi  and 
other  works,  and  you  discover  the  author  speaks  of 
the  grace  whereby  we  are  justified  as  identical  with 
an  infusion  of  God's  love.  He  contends  that  God  not 
merely  forgives  in  this  gracious  act,  but  imparts  love 
through  the  Holy  Spirit.  He  defines  justification  as 
being  made  just,  "justi  effici^mtr"  and  speaks  of  it  as 
perfect  in  martyrs,  but  not  in  ordinary  believers.^ 
At  the  Council  of  Carthage  (a.d.  418)  it  was  decreed 
against  Pelagius,  "  Whosoever  shall  say  that  the  grace 
by  which  we  are  justified  through  Jesus  Christ  our 
Lord  avails  only  to  the  remission  of  committed  sins, 
and  not  as  an  aid  against  a  future  commission  of  them, 
let  him  be  anathema."  ^ 

*  Wiggers'  Augustinianisvi^  p.  172.         *  Canons  iv.,  v.,  vi. 


276    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

Passages  in  Augustine  and  other  Fathers  have  been 
supposed  to  agree  with  Luther's  doctrine  of  Justifica- 
tion ;  but  the  more  I  reflect  on  theological  opinions 
divided  by  centuries,  the  more  I  am  persuaded  that 
habits  of  thought  in  the  fifth  and  in  the  sixteenth 
centuries  considerably  differ  on  this  subject.  A 
broad  resemblance  as  to  salvation  by  grace  may  be 
traced  in  ages  far  apart  ;  but  the  precise  apprehension 
of  minor  distinctions  developed  in  a  long  succession 
of  inquiries  is  found  to  vary.  There  may  be  sub- 
stantial unity  of  religious  faith,  with  considerable 
diversity  of  theological  apprehension. 

The  future  state  did  not  largely  occupy  the  thoughts 
of  Nicene  thinkers,  West  or  East,  from  what  may  be 
called  a  theological  point  of  view.  Some  regarded 
deceased  believers  as  passing  through  a  purifying 
process,  and  Augustine,  commenting  on  the  words 
"  saved  so  as  by  fire,"  remarks  it  is  not  impossible 
something  of  this  kind  may  occur  in  a  future  state, 
and  goes  on  to  speak  of  the  dead  as  benefited  by  the 
almsgiving  of  Christians.  Gregory  was  probably  the 
first  to  lay  down  the  doctrine  of  a  purifying  fire 
before  the  last  day  ;  but  this  fell  short  of  the  Romish 
theory  of  purgatory. 

Let  me  add  a  word  respecting  the  change  which 
came  over  the  patristic  tone  of  thought  respecting  the 


Ch.  VIII]  LATIN  DIVINITY  277 

end  of  the  world.  Tertullian  and  Lactantius  had  no 
idea  of  a  long  duration  before  that  momentous  event. 
Tertullian  expected  a  millennium  after  "  the  second 
coming,"  and  thought  that  the  New  Jerusalem  awaited 
saints  after  their  resurrection.  Lactantius  speaks  of 
the  false  prophet  and  of  Christ's  appearance  to  judge 
the  world  ;  also  of  a  renewed  earth  and  the  loosing 
of  Satan.  "  Perhaps,"  he  says,  "  some  one  may  ask. 
When  shall  these  things  be  ? "  He  answers,  "  The 
amount  of  the  years  as  reckoned  varies  considerably  ; 
yet  no  expectation  exceeds  the  limit  of  two  hundred 
years."  ^  It  was  a  general  impression  that  the  world, 
even  with  the  gospel  in  the  midst  of  it,  was  in  a 
hopeless  state,  and  that  it  needed  a  clean  sweep  of  all 
things  as  they  are.  Heresies  and  persecution  made 
Christians  feel  they  were  in  the  midst  of  war,  which 
would  not  cease  till  the  Captain  of  salvation  came  to 
end  the  strife.  But  when  imperial  patronage  took 
the  place  of  persecution,  a  change  came  over  patristic 
forecasts  ;  and  when  we  read  the  twentieth  chapter  of 
the  City  of  God,  written  by  Augustine,  we  find  ourselves 
in  a  new  atmosphere  of  thought.  Prison  doors  are 
shut,  and  a  bishop  sits  on  a  throne.  The  Bishop  of 
Hippo    now   says   that,    "  although    God    is    always 

'  Div.  Inst.,  vii.,  25. 


278   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

judging  the  world,  it  is  reasonable  to  confine  attention 
to  the  last  judgment."  The  millennium  seems  to  fade 
in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries. 

Two  things  strike  me  as  I  read  patristic  literature. 
Ante-Nicene  Fathers  had  an  indomitable  will,  and 
conquered  the  difficulties  of  persecution.  Nicene 
Fathers  inherited  their  ideas  of  the  invisible.  They 
looked  at  a  world  above  and  beyond  the  present. 

The  Boyle  Lecturer  for  1863  remarks  :  "  I  have 
lately  read  in  the  records  of  our  Arctic  discoveries  how 
during  the  long  weeks  of  the  outward  voyage — while 
the  crew,  with  little  occupation  in  hand,  were  divided 
between  regrets  for  the  homes  they  were  leaving  and 
interest  in  the  strange  objects  to  which  they  were 
advancing — it  was  observed  that,  according  to  the 
complexion  of  each,  they  would  fix  themselves  abaft 
or  forward :  the  one  class  wistful  and  melancholy, 
glancing  backward  on  the  receding  waters  ;  the 
other  sanguine  and  alert,  gazing  with  unblanched 
check  on  the  gulfs  before  them,  and  scanning  with 
ardent  gaze  every  opening  of  new  incidents  and 
features.  Hope  was  at  the  prow  ;  at  the  stern  were 
listlessness  and  despondency."  ^     We  may  employ  that 


'  Tlie  Rev.  C.  Merivale,  B.D.,  The  Conversioti  of  the  Northern 
Nations,  p.  114. 


Ch.  VIII]  LATIN  DIVINITY  279 


picture  as  an  illustration  of  the  difference  between 
the  regrets  with  which  worldly  people  look  upon 
the  world  they  are  to  leave  before  long  and  the 
expectations  which  open  in  the  future  before  a 
Christian. 

Many  a  believer  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries 
resembled  the  boatmen  sitting  at  the  prow,  full  of 
hope,  and  those  at  the  stern,  who  were  absorbed  in 
regrets.  The  following  words,  written  by  Ambrose, 
express  the  thoughts  of  some  Christian  contemporaries : 
"  We  shall  go  where  there  is  a  paradise  of  joy, — 
where  Adam,  who  fell  among  thieves,  has  forgotten 
to  weep  over  his  wounds  ;  where  the  thief  rejoices  in 
the  Kingdom  of  Heaven  ;  where  arc  no  clouds,  no 
thunder,  no  lightning,  no  storms  of  wind,  no  darkness, 
no  night  ;  where  neither  summer  nor  winter  will  vary 
the  seasons  ;  where  no  cold,  or  hail,  or  rain,  nor  the 
need  of  sun  and  moon  and  stars,  shall  be  known  ;  but 
God  alone  shall  be  the  light  thereof."  ^ 

'  De  Bono  Mortis,  1 2. 


CHAPTER  IX 
RELIGIOUS  WORSHIP 

GOING  back  to  notices  of  this  in  ante-Nicene 
times,  we  find  that  the  Lord's  Supper  was 
a  central  service.  Of  public  worship  but  little  can 
be  gathered  from  patristic  writings.  Socrates  the 
Historian  reports  alternate  chants,  witnessed  by 
Ignatius  in  a  vision  of  angels,  which  became  an 
authority  for  Church  singing.^  Consecration  of 
bread  and  wine  at  the  Lord's  Supper  by  the 
president,  and  the  distribution  of  these  elements 
by  deacons,  are  noticed  in  the  Apostolical  Constitu- 
tions written  at  the  end  of  the  third  or  beginning 
of  the  fourth  century." 

The  third  century  had  altars  in  churches  ;  re- 
presentations of  them  exist  in  Ravenna,  and  in  the 
same    city   are    pictures   of    priests   in    fifth-century 

'  Socrates,  Ecd.  Hist.,  vi.,  8. 
"  Palmer's  Origincs  Lititrglccc,  i,,  1 1. 
280 


Ch.  IX  RELIGIOUS    WORSHIP 


robes — the  alb  being  an  ancient  tunic,  the  chasuble 
a  hooded  cloak,  the  cope  an  upper  vestment,  and 
the  pallium  an  oblong  blanket  hanging  on  the 
shoulders.  In  short,  familiar  garbs  we  find  appro- 
priated for  ecclesiastical  uses.  Commonly  church 
dress  was  white,  but  colour  prevailed  in  Constanti- 
nople, We  read  of  Tyrian  priests  wearing  a 
heavenly  crown,  and  "  a  sacerdotal  garment  of  the 
Holy  Ghost" — whatever  that  may  mean. 

This  is  noteworthy — secular  edifices  were  turned 
to  sacred  uses.  The  basilica  where  civil  business 
had  been  transacted  was  now  employed  in  sacred 
service.  The  oldest  church  in  Rome,  illustrative  of 
this  fact,  is  San  Clemente — modernised  now  to  some 
extent,  but  still  preserving  its  basilican  form.  This 
edifice,  architecturally,  brings  before  us  a  place  of 
worship  where  \\ealth  and  importance  had  oppor- 
tunity for  display.  A  basilican  plan,  with  an  altar 
in  advance  of  the  eastern  wall,  and  the  bishop's 
seat  behind,  still,  if  I  rightly  remember,  indicates 
that  an  administrator  of  the  Holy  Supper  did  not 
officiate  in  front  of  the  table,  but  behind,  not  with 
back,  but  with  face  towards  the  congregation. 

Liturgies  are  of  early  date,  but  the  exact  period 
when  they  originated  is  a  question  too  minute  to 
be  discussed   here.     Four  of  such  formularies  seem 


282    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOIVS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  11 

to  have  existed  :  the  Oriental,  the  Alexandrian, 
the  Roman,  and  the  Gallican.  The  Oriental  in- 
cluded forms  bearing  patristic  names,  such  as  Basil 
and  Chrysostom.  The  Alexandrian  was  attributed 
to  Cyril,  and  the  Roman  to  Gregory  I.  These 
resembled  each  other,  and  we  find  in  them  mention 
of  the  kiss  of  peace,  the  exhortation  "  Lift  up 
your  hearts,"  a  hymn  of  praise  with  angels  and 
archangels,  intercession  for  the  Militant  Church, 
and  supplication  for  rest  and  peace  on  behalf  of 
souls  departed  in  God's  faith  and  fear. 

There  are  no  liturgical  books  dating  from  the 
ante-Nicene  age,  nor  is  there  proof  of  any  having 
existed  before  the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries. 

The  Council  of  Laodicea  prohibited  the  public  use 
of  hymns  by  private  individuals,  although  singing 
commenced  at  an  early  period,  being  introduced  in 
the  East  by  Ambrose,  which  gave  rise  to  Ambrosian 
chants.  Kneeling  in  prayer  seems  to  have  been  a 
primitive  practice,  but  standing  was  enforced  in  the 
fourth  century.  Epiphanius,  Augustine,  and  Jerome 
commended  kneeling,  but  not  on  Sundays,  when 
standing  upright  was  thought  to  typify  our  Lord's 
resurrection.  It  became  in  early  days  a  practice 
for  women  to  cover  their  heads  when  engaged  in 
devotional  service. 


Ch.  IX]  RELIGIOUS    WORSHIP  283 


Psalmody  originated  amongst  the  Jews,  and  was 
hallowed  by  that  touching  example,  "  When  they 
had  sung  a  hymn  they  went  out  to  the  Mount  of 
Olives."  The  fourth  Council  of  Carthage  made  a 
rule  that  a  singer  should  not  enter  upon  office 
without  the  bishop's  knowledge,  and  by  appoint- 
ment of  a  presbyter.  Choirs  are  of  early  origin, 
the  most  celebrated  being  attributed  to  Gregory 
the  Great.  Congregational  singing  does  not  appear 
to  have  been  practised  at  an  early  period  ;  and  this 
we  do  not  wonder  at,  recollecting  how  limited  was 
the  ability  to  read,  and  how  difficult  it  would  have 
been  to  provide  hymnbooks  for  singers. 

Worship  was  no  doubt  affected  by  national  habits. 
I  remember,  one  Sunday  in  Egypt,  seeing  people  in  a 
Coptic  church  folding  their  feet  under  them  without 
shoes,  which  were  piled  up  by  the  entrance  door. 
National  habits  now  control  the  conduct  of  Copts 
in  their  worship  ;  and,  I  infer,  the  practice  just 
noticed  may  be  thus  accounted  for,— not,  however, 
forgetting  the  words  addressed  to  Moses  from  the 
burning  bush :  "  Put  off  thy  shoes  from  off  thy 
feet,  for  the  place  \\hereon  thou  standest  is  holy 
ground." 

Ceremonialism  carried  to  extremes  might  be  seen 
at  Nola   in  Campania,  about  the  end  of  the  fourth 


2S4   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

century.  An  Aquitanian  named  Paulinus,  to  be 
noticed  hereafter,  lived  there,  that  he  might  be  near 
the  tomb  of  FeHx,  a  martyr  who  suffered  under  the 
Decian  persecution.  Pauhnus  built  a  church  over 
the  spot,  adorning  it  with  paintings,  and  he  also 
wrote  a  poem  in  memory  of  the  confessor. 

Arians  at  Constantinople  excited  emulation  by 
their  singing,  and  Gregory  Nazianzen  composed 
verses  for  worship.  Anatolius,  Patriarch  of  the 
Eastern  capital,  wrote  in  the  fifth  century  a 
Christmas  hymn   beginning  with   the  words  : — 

"  A  great  and  mighty  wonder 
The  festal  makes  secure, 
The  Virgin  bears  the  infant, 
With  virgin  honour  pure." 

Another  hymn,  on  Christ's  calming  the  stormy  sea 
has  been  well  translated  by  Neale. 

"  Fierce  was  the  wild  billow, 

Dark  was  the  night  ; 
Oars  labour'd  heavily, 

Foam  glimmer'd  white ; 
Mariners  trembled, 

Peril  was  nigh ; 
Then  said  the  God  of  God, 

'  Peace  !  it  is  I.' 

"  Ridge  of  the  mountain  wave, 
Lower  thy  crest ! 


Ch.  IX]  RELIGIOUS    WORSHIP  285 


Wail  of  Euroclydon, 

Be  thou  at  rest ! 
Peril  can   none  be — 

Sorrow  must  {\y — 
Where  saith  the  Light  of  Light, 

'Peace  !  it  is  I.' 

"Jesu,  Deliverer! 

Come  Thou  to  me : 
Soothe  Thou  my  voyaging 

Over  life's  sea ! 
Thou,  •wh&n  the  storm  of  death 

Roars  sweeping  by, 
Whisper,  O  Truth  of  Truth  ! 

'  Peace  !   it  is  I.'  " 

Hymns  for  Latin  worship  were  numerous,  Hilary 
and  Ambrose  taking  the  lead.  The  former  wrote 
one  beginning  "  Lucis  largiter  splendidi,"  and  also 
a  Pentecostal  opening  with  the  words  "  Beata  nobis 
gaudia."  Such  was  the  fame  of  Ambrose  that  chants 
of  praise  bore  his  name.  The  most  celebrated  relic 
of  his  muse  is  his  "Te  Deum  Laudamus."  Prudentius, 
Fortunatus  of  Poictiers,  with  Gregory  of  Rome,  were 
distinguished  hymn-writers. 

The  monophysite  Peter  of  Antioch  is  said  to  have 
been  the  first  who  introduced  the  Virgin  Mary's  name 
into  Church  prayers.  Churches  were  dedicated  to 
her,  and  the  first  which  bore  her  name  was  the 
basilica   of  Liberius,  Bishop  of  Rome,  rebuilt  after 


286   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOJVS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


the  Council  of  Ephesus.^  Justinian  invoked  her 
aid  for  the  prosperity  of  his  administration.'-^ 
Those  about  the  person  of  Narses  affirmed  that  he 
was  accustomed  to  pray  to  the  Mother  of  God,  and 
never  engaged  in  war  without  seeking  a  sign  of  her 
approval.^  Stories  were  told  of  divinely  wrought 
images  of  our  Saviour  sent  down  from  heaven.'* 
Rogation  days  with  processions  and  litanies  began 
in  the  fifth  century. 

During  the  first  six  centuries  there  appeared,  in 
addition  to  the  Lord's  Day,  festivals,  of  which  it 
is  sufficient  to  notice  Easter,  Whitsuntide,  and 
Christmas.  Easter,  in  memory  of  our  Lord's  resur- 
rection, was  the  crown  of  them  all. 

The  time  for  celebrating  Easter  differed  for  a  while 
in  Eastern  and  Western  Christendom,  till  it  became 
fixed  for  both  on  the  Lord's  Day  next  after  the  full 
moon  of  the  vernal  equinox.  The  great  week,  as  it 
was  called,  in  the  fourth  century  corresponded  with 
the  fifteen  days  of  the  passion  and  resurrection  weeks 
combined.  Whitsuntide,  in  commemoration  of  the 
Spirit's  descent  on  the  day  of  Pentecost,  followed 
fifty   days    afterwards,    when    houses  were  decorated 


'  Patrol.,  c.  xxviii.,  31.  ^  Evagrius,  iv.,  24. 

*  Cod.  Just.,  i.,  27c  Und.,  iv.,  27 


Ch.  IX]  RELIGIOUS   WORSHIP  287 

with  green  boughs   and  flowers.      Christmas  began 
to  be  observed  in  the  fourth  century/ 

In  reviewing  the  progress  of  ceremoniaHsm  be- 
tween the  first  and  the  sixth  century,  we  are  struck 
with  its  advance.  For  instance,  nothing  could  be 
more  simple  and  beautiful  than  the  institution  of 
the  Eucharist.  "  And  as  they  were  eating,  Jesus 
took  bread,  and  blessed  it,  and  brake  it,  and  gave 
it  to  the  disciples,  and  said,  '  Take,  eat,  this  is 
My  body '  ;  and  He  took  the  cup,  and  gave 
thanks,  and  it  gave  t.hem,  saymg,  '  Drink  ye  all 
of  it,  for  this  is  My  blood  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment, which  is  shed  for  many  for  the  remission  of 
sins.' "  In  the  time  of  Justin  Martyr  the  Holy 
Supper  was  administered  in  accordance  with  that 
narrative.  But  in  the  time  of  Gregory  the  Great, 
to  use  the  words  of  Bona,  in  his  description  of 
liturgical  services,  "  there  is  no  ceremony  of  the 
Church  of  which  more  frequent  mention  is  made  in 
liturgies,  ancient  and  modern,  than  burning  of  incense 
during  a  celebration  of  the  Christian  sacrifice." 

With  regard  to  images  in  Christian  worship,  I 
may  remark  that  Eusebius  reproved  Constantino 
for  wishing  to  have  a  statue  of  the   Saviour ;    and 

'  In  what  I  have  said  here,  I  follow  Bingham  and  Riddle. 


288   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Pai-t  II 

Epiphanius  tore  in  pieces  a  painted  church  curtain. 
In  the  fifth  century  there  were  reputed  miraculous 
pictures  of  Christ,  the  Apostles,  and  the  Virgin 
Mary.  Even  so  early  as  Tertullian's  time,  mention 
is  made  of  a  communion  cup  representing  a  shepherd 
bringing  home  a  lost  sheep.^ 


'  See  on  these  subjects  Bingham,  Riddle,  and  an  article  on 
Images  "  in  Smith's  Dictionary  of  Ch?'istian  Antiqtiities. 


CHAPTER    X 

INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM 

THE  state  of  Christendom  for  the  first  three 
centuries  can  with  advantage  be  treated  as  a 
whole,  but  not  afterwards.  The  division  of  empire 
East  and  West  partly  accounts  for  this,  but  not 
entirely.  Gothic  invasions  had  much  to  do  with  it. 
Wave  after  wave  from  the  North  broke  on  the  South, 
settling,  some  in  smaller,  some  in  larger  pools,  to 
be  flooded  and  lost  in  after-tides  of  population. 
Where  the  invaders  were  Christianised,  often  more 
in  name  than  fact,  Churches  rose,  which  became 
national.  After  the  establishment  by  Constantine, 
authority  of  law  and  endowments  of  property  con- 
verted nascent  communities,  so  that  they  became 
political  and  ecclesiastical  powers.  They  cannot  be 
properly  called  national  till  after  the  sixth  century, 
but  they  were  preparing  for  it. 

It  is  important  to  bear  in  mind  that  certain  bar- 
289  j^ 


290    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  ll 

barous  races,  in  the  transition  stage,  were  gradually 
blended  with  elder  Roman  people.  Of  the  greater 
part  of  the  earth  little  or  nothing  was  known.  The 
extent  of  Roman  conquests  formed  the  boundary 
of  geographical  science.  Earlier  and  later  comers 
under  imperial  dominion  had  been  enrolled  in 
Roman  armies,  had  fought  with  the  old  state  legions 
side  by  side ;  some  even  had  shared  in  dignities 
and  emoluments.  It  has  been  remarked  :  "  They 
come  down  upon  the  country  which  is  to  be  their 
prey  in  successive  expeditions,  like  billows  tumbling 
one  over  the  other ;  they  sweep  through  it ;  then, 
like  waves,  they  retire ;  and  then,  again  after  an 
interval,  they  return.  By  violence  or  by  treaty  they 
gain  possession  and  occupation  of  some  territory, 
and  take  their  place  as  landed  proprietors  amidst 
the  old  tenants  and  institutions  of  the  soil."  ^ 

Turning  to  Germany,  wc  find  there  were  probably 
at  an  early  period.  Christian  people  amongst  the 
inhabitants  exerting  influence  over  pagan  neighbours. 
Some,  with  an  apostolic  spirit,  might  undertake  mis- 
sionary work,  and  go  out  proclaiming  the  Gospel 
to  heathen  tribes.     Lerends  to  that  effect  have  been 


'  Newman's  Essays,  iii.,  p.  289.     Deiiu  Merivale  has  a  striking 
lecture  on  "  The  Conversion  of  the  Norllicrn  Nations,"  Lect.  VI. 


Ch.  X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  291 


preserved.  We  reach  something  like  firm  footing 
when  we  meet  with  the  fact  that  Athanasius  spent 
a  year  of  exile  in  Treves  on  the  Moselle,  no  doubt 
exerting  a  Christian  influence. 

Under  the  Church  of  St.  Paulinus,  outside  the 
city  of  Treves,  the  church  in  itself  of  no  antiquity, 
there  is  a  crypt,  with  very  ancient  sarcophagi,  lately 
discovered,  bearing  names  belonging  to  Roman  sena- 
tors. They  are  said  to  have  been  Christian  martyrs. 
Large  iron  nails  are  shown,  reported  as  having 
been  used  in  their  crucifixion — upon  which  report 
no  reliance  whatever  can  be  placed  ;  but  it  is  not 
improbable,  as  tradition  says,  that  there  were  mar- 
tyrs at  Treves  under  Diocletian. 

That  there  were  Christians  at  Worms  at  an  early 
date  we  know  from  inscriptions.  Moreover,  it  may 
be  inferred  Christianity  spread  along  the  banks  of 
the  Rhine,  as  is  shown  by  Christian  inscriptions  of 
the  fourth  and  fifth  centuries  at  Bingen,  Boppart, 
Rudesheim,  and  other  places.  We  can  hardly  doubt 
that,  by  the  end  of  the  fifth  century  or  the  beginning 
of  the  sixth,  Christianity  prevailed  in  several  Rhenish 
towns.* 

In  Augsburg,  Ratisbon,  and  other  places  we  find 


Baring  Gould's  Church  in  Germany,  pp,  9,  10. 


292    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Fart  II 


Christian  converts,  and  Severinus  was  connected  with 
Cologne,  as  Bishop  in  that  city.  Gibbon,^  who  had 
a  keen  eye  for  the  picturesque,  relates  an  interview 
between  a  monk  bearing  the  name  of  Severinus  and 
Odoacer,  the  Gothic  chieftain.  The  lowness  of  the 
door  would  not  admit  the  lofty  stature  of  Odoacer ; 
he  was  obliged  to  stoop  ;  but  in  that  humble  attitude 
the  saint  could  discern  the  symptoms  of  his  future 
greatness,  and  addressing  him  in  a  prophetic  tone, 
"Pursue,"  said  he,  "your  design;  proceed  to  Italy; 
you  will  soon  cast  away  this  coarse  garment  of  skins, 
and  your  wealth  will  be  adequate  to  the  liberality  of 
your  mind."  The  barbarian,  whose  daring  spirit 
accepted  and  ratified  the  prediction,  was  admitted 
into  the  service  of  the  Western  Empire,  and  soon 
obtained  an  honourable  rank  in  the  guards.'-^ 

One  figure  in  Germany  comes  out  distinctly — 
Ulphilas,  "  Moses  of  the  Goths,"  as  he  is  called. 
Sozomen  ^  relates  how  a  stag,  chased  by  a  party  of 
liunnish  sportsmen,  led  them  through  a  lake  into 
a  land  peopled  by  tribes  whom  they  attacked  and 
conquered.  The  vanquished  tribe  fled  and  disap- 
peared,   and     the    victors     sent    to    Constantinople 

'  Decline  mid  Fall  of  the  Roman  Empire^  chap,  xxxvi. 
-  Ibid.,  chap,  xxxvi ,  vol.  iii.,  p.  333. 
=*  Soz.,  Eccl.  Hist.,  vi.,  37. 


Ch.  X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  293 


messengers  asking  for  admission  to  the  Eastern 
Empire.  Ulphilas  was  one  thus  sent.  In  the 
Eastern  metropolis  he  was  educated  and  converted. 
After  this  he  became  a  church  reader.  That  led 
him  to  his  study  of  Scripture,  and  the  immortalising 
of  his  name  as  the  first  Gothic  translator  of  the 
sacred  volume.  It  is  said,  he  omitted  in  his  version 
of  the  Old  Testament  books  recording  wars,  which 
he  feared  might  foster  the  military  propensities  of 
his  race.  A  manuscript  of  his  work,  in  silver  letters 
on  purple  parchment,  is  well  known  as  Codex 
Argentcv.s  in  the  Royal  Library  at  Upsala.  The 
silver  letters  of  the  Codex  Argenteits  are  said  to  be 
impressions  of  silver  leaf,  resembling  titles  on  the 
backs  of  books  bound  in  vellum  or  leather  ;  but 
I  find  the  editor  of  Gothic  and  Anglo-Saxon  Gospels 
remarks  :  "  On  looking  minutely  at  our  accurate  fac- 
simile, I  saw  variations  which  could  not  have  occurred 
if  metallic  letters  had  been  used.  The  word  at  the 
end  of  the  third  line  of  our  facsimile  is  abbreviated 
to  make  it  accord  with  the  preceding  line."  Another 
scholar  says  :  "  I  may  add  that  the  Codex  has  evi- 
dently been  ruled  throughout  with  double  lines  for 
writing  ;  single  lines  would  have  been  sufficient  for 
stamping."  In  A.D.  341  Ulphilas  became  a  bishop, 
and   is   generally  called    an    Arian  ;    I    find    he   was 


294    LIGHTS  AND  SIIADOIVS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Pan  ll 

present  at  a  synod  in  Constantinople  in  A.D.  360, 
where  a  modified  Arian  creed  was  adopted.  Many 
denominated  Arian  were  rather  anti-Athanasian 
than  anything  more  ;  they  believed  in  Christ's  true 
Deity,  but  did  not  adopt  the  Nicene  definition  of  it. 

Wc  possess,  in  the  Codex  Argejiteus,  quite  as  early 
and  genuine  a  monument  of  the  Gothic  language 
as  our  Greek  and  Latin  codices  supply  in  the  case 
of  any  classical  author.  "  It  is  seven  centuries  more 
ancient  than  the  Scandinavian  Edda,  five  older  than 
the  German  Nibehtugcn  Lied,  three  older  than  the 
poem  of  our  C^edmon.  We  may  trace  in  it  the  very 
foundation  of  our  mother  tongue." 

II.  Theodoric,  an  Ostrogoth,  educated  in  Con- 
stantinople, ruled  a  district  in  North  Italy  in  A.D.  395 
— an  incipient  nationality  which  was  nipped  in  its 
early  growth.  It  is  difficult  to  give  it  an  appropriate 
name.  Honorius,  on  the  division  of  the  old  empire, 
removed  his  court  from  Rome  to  Ravenna,  and  when 
Theodoric  took  possession  of  the  city  in  A.D.  489,  he 
held  an  undefinable  position  as  a  centre  of  Western 
rule.  Like  other  Goths,  he  is  called  an  Arian,  and 
it  is  curious  to  couple  this  fact  with  his  influence 
in  the  election  of  Damasus,  Bishop  of  Rome.^     He 


See  page  240  of  this  volume. 


Ch.X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  295 

cleverly  separated  Gothic  soldiers  from  native  Italians, 
reserving"  the  fonncr  for  foreign  war  and  employing" 
the    latter    in    home    civilisation.       Ambassadors    to 
Ravenna    admired    his    wisdom,    magnificence,    and 
courtesy.     By  marriages  he  united  himself  and  family 
to  Prankish,  Rurgundian,  and  other  powers  ;  he  also 
cultivated  the  affection  of  Roman  senators  and  people. 
He   visited    the   old-world    capital,   and    there    won 
popularity.      But  though  he  established  a  sovereignty 
which  lasted  his  own  time,  his  institutions  were  not 
enduring.       A    coherent    national    Church    did    not 
follow  as  the  result  of  his  enterprise,  but  an  orthodox 
succession  of  bishops  continued  in  Ravenna.      The 
religious  element  survived  the  political.     Epiphanius, 
Bishop   of  Pavia,    comes   before    us    in    Thcodoric's 
history  as  a  faithful  Christian  counsellor,  constraining 
him  to  acts  of  mercy,  which  he  exemplified  in  his 
own   conduct ;    for    Epiphanius    crossed    the    snowy 
Alps,  braving  the  cold    March  winds,  to  secure  the 
release  of  captives  ransomed  by  Theodoric's  gold. 

The  successors  of  Theodoric's  political  rule  dis- 
appeared after  the  siege  of  Ravenna  by  Belisarius 
in  539,  when  it  became  subject  to  governors  who 
ruled  in  the  name  of  Byzantine  emperors.  The 
same  territory  afterwards  became  "  Estates  of  the 
Church."      This  gave  Papal   Rome   its   title   of  the 


296   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


''  Holy  Roman  Empire."  The  title  lasted  for  a 
thousand  years,  and  then  ended  under  Napoleon 
Bonaparte. 

Nobody  who  has  visited  quaint  old  Ravenna  but 
must  have  been  spellbound  while  passing  from  one 
church  to  another  in  its  silent  streets.  Domes, 
columns,  arches,  take  one  back  nearly  fifteen  hundred 
years  ;  they  stand  now  as  they  did  then.  Two  of 
the  Arian  churches  built  by  Theodoric  still  exist— 
S.  Apollinare  Nuovo  and  S.  Spirito.  The  first  has 
a  row  of  columns  in  the  nave  supporting  arches, 
above  which  are  rich  mosaics  representing  twenty- 
two  virgins,  each  carrying  a  crown.  The  second, 
with  a  west-end  vestibule,  is  adorned  with  coloured 
marbles.  It  was  originally  Arian,  but  afterwards 
consecrated  by  an  orthodox  archbishop,  named 
Agnelles.  As  an  instance  of  authorship  in  his  case, 
may  be  quoted  the  following  passage,  "  Where  I 
could  obtain  no  information,  I  have  composed  the 
life  myself,  b}'  the  help  of  God  and  prayers  of  my 
brethren."  ^ 

The  churches  at  Ravenna  reaped  revenues  from 
State  sources  ;  but  Theodoric  differed  from  subse- 
quent authorities  in  granting  toleration  to  others  than 

1  Miuatoris  Scriptores  Renmi  lialicarium,  vol.  ii.,  p.  62. 


Ch.  XT         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  297 


the  orthodox,  until  Catholics  offended  him  ;  then  he 
became  their  persecutor.  Theodoric  died  in  A.D.  526, 
and  the  kingdom  did  not  long  survive  its  founder. 
Dark  shadows  fall  over  his  last  days.  He  put  to 
death  Boethius,  the  philosopher,  and  also  the  father- 
in-law  of  Boethius,  named  Symmachus  ;  the  former, 
it  is  said,  without  a  fair  trial,  the  latter  without  any 
trial   at  all. 

The  name  of  Boethius,  associated  with  Ravenna 
(A.D.  470 — 526),  has  been  enrolled  amongst  Catholic 
saints  ;  works  on  the  Holy  Trinity  and  the  person 
of  our  Lord  are  attributed  to  him  ;  but  Boethius, 
author  of  the  well-known  Consolatio  Phzlosophia,  and 
put  to  death  by  Theodoric,  was  a  different  person. 
Hallam,  in  his  Litcratiire  of  Europe,  speaks  of  him 
as  "  the  last  of  the  ancients,  and  one  who  forms  a 
link  between  the  classical  period  of  literature  and 
that  of  the  middle  ages."  The  historian  describes 
him  as,  in  elevation  of  sentiment,  equal  to  any  of 
the  philosophers,  and  as  mingling  a  Christian 
sanctity  with  their  lessons.  Boethius  "  speaks  from 
his  prison  in  the  swan-like  tones  of  dying  eloquence." 
His  Consolation,  interesting  though  it  be,  has  no 
place  in  the  theological  history  of  the  Church.^ 


'  Ilallam's  Literature  of  Europe,  vol.  i.,  p.  2 


298    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Contemporary    with    Boethius     was     Cassiodorus, 
Minister  of  State  to  Theodoric,  and  lie  is  worthy  of 
passing    notice  for   piety   and   learning.      lie    was   a 
genuine  patriot,  and  adapted  himself  to  Theodoric's 
court  only  so  far  as  it  enabled  him  to  alleviate  the 
misfortunes  of  his  countrymen.     When  famine  visited 
the  north   of    Italy,   he    lightened    the    burdens    of 
taxation,   and    relieved    the   sufferings    of    the   poor. 
Weary  through  the  troubles  of  his  age,  he  retired  to 
a  monastery,  and  established  a  community  for  pro- 
moting   literature   and    philosoph}'.       He    strove    to 
elevate  the  taste  and  habits  of  ecclesiastical  orders, 
and   endowed    a    monastery   with    his    own    library, 
enriched,  as  it  was,  with  classical  and  sacred  MSS. 
Under  the  auspices  of  Agapetus,  Bishop  of  Rome, 
he  sought  to  provide  chairs  (or  professorships,  if  these 
modern    terms    may   be    used)    "  for    the    culture   of 
general   learning  in   connection  with  theology."     He 
was    a    voluminous  author,  and   amongst   his    works 
we  find  an  Ecclesiastical  History  and  Expositions  on 
the  Psalms,  also   Coimnents  on  the  Canticles  and  the 
Apocalypse. 

HI.  France  now  requires  attention.  The  Council 
of  Aries,  in  A.D.  314,  is  a  proof  of  the  eminence  which 
that  city  had  reached  so  early,  when  Bishops  of 
Marseilles,    Autun,    Rheims,    Bordeaux,    and     Rouen 


Ch.  X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  299 


were  present,  showing  how  many  episcopal  cities 
existed  in  tlic  country  at  tliat  period.  The  place 
of  their  assembly  had  then  attained  importance,  both 
as  a  Roman  settlement  and  as  a  seat  of  Christianity. 
The  museum  there  still  contains  early  monuments, 
exhibiting,  in  bas-relief,  Christ  with  saints  carrying 
palms  of  victory  :  Pilalc  and  Mary  Magdalene  arc 
also  represented. 

Cardinal  Newman,  with  some  imagination,  says  of 
Gaul :  "  About  that  time  it  was  as  cultivated  and  happy 
as  Asia  Minor  after  its  three  centuries  of  peace. 
The  banks  of  the  Rhine  are  said  to  have  been  lined 
with  villas  and  farms ;  the  schools  of  Marseilles, 
Autun,  and  Bordeaux  vied  with  those  of  the  East, 
and  even  with  that  of  Athens  ;  opulence  had  its 
civilising  effect  upon  their  manners,  and  familiarity 
with  the  Latin  classics  upon  their  native  dialect."  ^ 

In  our  notice  of  Gaul  at  the  fall  of  the  empire,  we 
should  bear  in  mind  how  much  of  Roman  architecture, 
civil  and  sacred,  remained  in  that  country.  At 
Vienne  there  existed  a  forum,  an  amphitheatre,  and 
pagan  temples,  some  of  them  at  the  period  now  under 
consideration    being    employed    for    Christian    uses. 


'  Newrr.r.n's    Hisforical  Sketches,    iii.,    p.    121.      I    think    tlie 
colours  are  here  laid  on  too  thickly. 


300   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOJJ'S   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


Aries  and  Ni'smcs  arc  famous,  I'n  our  day,  for 
churches  which  were  originally  heathen  structures. 
Notably  on  the  slope  of  the  Vernegues  there  is  still 
such  a  church.  "  Circular-domed  edifices,  raised  by 
the  Romans  as  mausoleums,  were  imitated  by  the' 
Christians  in  their  circular  baptisteries,  while  the 
pillared  hall,  lighted  by  a  clerestory,  was  exactly 
copied  in  the  nave  or  large  vessel  of  the  Christian 
church." ' 

We  now  reach  the  reign  of  Clovis,  or  Clodovich, 
as  some  call  him  (a.D.  465  —  511),  of  the  Merovingian 
line  of  kings — tall  and  stately,  with  long,  shaggy 
locks  falling  over  his  shoulders.  Gauls  were  of  the 
Philistine  type,  body  and  mind.  From  affection  or 
policy — perhaps  both — Clovis  married  Clotilda,  a 
Catholic  lady,  who  persuaded  him  when  going  to 
battle  to  seek  help  from  the  God  she  worshipped. 
Clovis  yielded  to  her  fascinating  influence,  and  fought 
with  success  a  battle  which  led  to  the  Gaulish  throne. 
He  then  declared  himself  willing  to  adopt  the 
Christian  faith,  and  "  any  political  reasons,  which 
might  have  suspended  his  public  profession,  were 
removed  by  the  devout  and  loyal  acclamations  of  the 


'  Macgibbon's  A  )xhi texture  of  Provence  and  the  Riviera,  pp.  35, 
78,  94- 


Ch.  X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  301 


Franks,  who  showed  themselves  alike  prepared  to 
follow  their  leader  to  the  field  of  battle  or  to  the 
baptismal  font."  Clovis  was  followed  by  three 
thousand  Franks.  His  so-called  conversion  produced 
little  or  no  effect  on  his  character,  beyond  what  was 
ceremonial.  ^  Gregory  of  Tours  informs  us,  Clovis 
suggested  to  the  King  of  the  Ripuarian  Franks  the 
murder  of  his  father,  and  when  the  murder  had  been 
committed  Clovis  mounted  the  vacant  throne."  As  an 
example  of  strange  mingling  of  what  he  learned  from 
the  Bible  with  his  own  battle-loving  temperament, 
I  may  mention  that  Clovis  delighted  in  the  im- 
precations of  the  Psalms,  and  adopted  the  words, 
"  Thou  hast  given  me  the  necks  of  mine  enemies, 
that  I  might  destroy  them  that  hate  me."  He  wished 
he  had  been  in  Jerusalem  at  the  crucifixion,  that, 
at  the  head  of  his  valiant  Franks,  he  might  have 
avenged  the  Saviour's  injuries. 

It  is  here  significant  to  notice  two  men  elected 
to  Gallic  episcopal  office  in  the  fifth  century,  Avitus 
and  Sidonius  Apollinaris, — the  first  a  literary  layman  ; 
the  second  a  country  gentleman  living  in  a  Roman 
villa,    amidst    "  lakes,    cascades,    and    nightingales," 

'  Gibbon  tells  the  story  in  his  Decline  and  Fall  of  the  Roman 
Empire,  vol.  iii.,  p.  387. 
^  Gregory,  ii ,  27. 


302    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

chosen  Bishop  of  Clermont,  and  then  Archbishop 
of  Bourges.  "If  one-tenth  of  his  writings  be  de- 
ducted," says  Ampere,  "  the  remainder  would  leave 
us  in  doubt  whether  he  were  a  Christian."  Sidonius 
must,  however,  have  possessed  winning  qualities, 
for  the  public  voted  him  the  title  of  saint ;  and  the 
Church  declined  to  canonise  him,  only  because  he 
wrought  no  miracle. 

In  the  fifth  century  we  meet  with  Prosper  of 
Aquitaine,  a  distinguished  priest  at  Marseilles,  who 
issued  three  editions  of  his  Chronicle,  bringing  it 
down  to  the  storming  of  Rome  by  the  Vandals. 
Ecclesiastical  affairs  chiefly  occupy  his  attention. 
"  The  destinies  of  the  spiritual  power  seem  closely 
related  to  the  destinies  of  the  past  ;  and  even 
beyond  the  frontiers  of  Italy,  and  at  a  time  when 
imperial  rule  was,  to  all  appearances,  destroyed  for 
ever,  the  clergy  persistently  and  earnestly  believed 
in  the  perpetuity  of  the  empire." ' 

When  we  dwell  on  the  condition  of  Gaul  at  the 
period  under  review — especially  on  the  deep  ignor- 
ance of  the  lower  classes,  and  the  prominence  given 
to  ceremonial  worship,  through  which  religious  im- 
pressions must  have  been  chiefly  conveyed — we  see 


'  Masson's  Early  Chronicles  of  France,  p.  7. 


Ch.X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM 


how  the  effect  of  existing  theological  controversies 
was  confined  to  the  clergy.  As  we  ponder  what  is 
said  by  Hilary,  and  other  Gallic  divines  on  the 
orthodox  side,  we  see  how  little  even  educated 
laymen,  supposing  they  met  with  and  read  the 
discussions,  could  enter  into  subtle  arguments  such 
as  those  on  the  Trinity.  As  to  the  unlettered  class 
— by  far  the  majority — how  utterly  unintelligible 
to  them  would  be  the  reasoning  on   both  sides ! 

Salvian  throws  light  upon  the  social  condition 
of  France,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Marseilles. 
Local  brigands,  domestic  slavery,  and  the  property  of 
large  estates  in  the  hands  of  corrupt  aristocrats,  he 
describes  at  length.  He  gives  a  deplorable  account 
of  Gaul  in  his  own  time,  the  fifth  century.  He  was 
married,  though  a  priest,  but  adopted  the  habits  of 
monastic  life,  and  obtained  such  distinction  as  to 
wear  the  title  of  Episcoporum  Magister,  and  was 
renowned  as  monk  and  scholar.  He  wrote  a  book 
on  The  Governi/icut  of  God,  in  which  he  gives  a 
lively  picture  of  social  life  in  Gaul,  painting  the 
character  of  laity  and  clergy  in  dark  colours,  but 
excepting  from  his  charges  of  immorality  the  Gallic 
monks. 

Generally  with  regard  to  the  condition  of  France, 
1  may  say  that  account  ought    to   be    taken  of  the 


304    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Fart  II 

shattered  condition  in  which  we  find  Roman  civili- 
sation at  that  time ;  the  imperfect  influence  of 
Christianity  on  people  who  professed  to  embrace  it  ; 
the  old  pagan  habits  of  thought,  feeling,  and  conduct 
which  lingered  throughout  the  land  ;  and  the  extent 
to  which  faith,  worship,  and  conduct  in  the  Church 
had  been  corrupted  in  the  fifth  and  sixth  centuries. 

Cities  on  the  Loire  adhered  to  Clovis.  Arian 
Burgundians  submitted.  Visigoths  resisted,  but  were 
overcome.  He  gained  victories  which  made  him 
the  first  of  Prankish  sovereigns,  and,  indeed,  founder 
of  the  French  Church.  That  Church  included 
different  races,  and  the  word  "  church "  must  not 
be  taken  with  reference  to  the  Franks  in  the  modern 
sense.  After  the  extinction  of  Arianism,  Franks, 
in  the  mass,  followed  Catholic  priests  and  Catholic 
worship.  Political  and  religious  laws  being  bound 
together,  subjects  of  Clovis  would  come  under  this 
double  dominion,  leaving  no  right  of  private  judgment, 
or  very  little. 

Clotaire,  in  A.D.  558,  was  a  successor  to  Clovis. 
He  married  Radegonda,  daughter  of  a  Thuringian 
prince,  who  is  glowingly  described  by  Alban  Butler, 
in  his  Lives  oj  the  Saints.  She  would  have  preferred 
a  life  of  celibacy,  and  the  Franks  said  their  king  had 
espoused  a  nun.     Clotaire  bears  a  wretched  character. 


Ch.X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  305 

and  is  charged  with  assassinating  his  wife's  brother. 
She,  in  consequence,  left  her  husband,  was  ordained 
a  deaconess,  entered  upon  a  conventual  hfe,  and  ulti- 
mately became  an  abbess.  Her  accession  to  that 
dignity  is  elaborately  described,  and  she  appears  to 
have  addicted  herself  to  literary  pursuits,  and  to 
have  welcomed  the  visits  of  Vinatius  Fortunatus,  a 
French  author,  who  is  sketched  in  fantastic  colours 
by  M.  Augustin  Thierry,  in  his  History  of  tli'2 
Merovingians. 

From  the  story  of  Fortunatus  and  Radegonda,  as 
told  by  M.  Thierry,  no  one  would  expect  that 
F'ortunatus  could  write  a  hymn  on  the  Cross  of 
Christ,  rich  in  evangelical  feeling ;  yet,  as  Arch- 
bishop Trench  remarks,  words  in  the  composition 
indicate  that  the  cross  is  the  tree  on  which  the 
vine  of  the  Church  depends  for  its  tendrils  and 
its  fruit.^ 


'  Sacred  Latin  Poetry,  selected  by  R.  C.  Trench,  p.  113,  Do 
Critce  Christi.     The  Hues  in  the  original  are — 

"  Appensa  est  vitis  inter  tua  brachia,  de  qua 
Dulcia  sanguineo  vina  rubore  fliiunt." 

The  writer,  probably,  had  in  his  mind  words  in  the  Vulgate 
version  of  the  first  Psalm:  "  Et  erit  tanquam  lignum  (juod 
plantatum  est  sicus  decursus  aquarum,  quod  fructum  suum  dabit 
in  tempore  suo.' 

20 


3o6   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Chilperic,  in  A.D.  567,  followed  Clotaire  next  but 
one,  and  infamously  treated  his  queen.  He  had  a 
concubine,  steeped  in  crime.  What,  at  such  a  period, 
could  occur  but  the  state  of  things  indicated  by  the 
historian  Hallam,  who  says,  "  It  would  be  difficult, 
as  Gibbon  has  justly  observed,  to  find  anywhere  more 
vice  or  less  virtue "  ?  ^  Gregory,  in  his  History  of 
France,  written  in  Chilperic's  reign,  dwells  on  the 
miseries  he  witnessed,  mourning  over  the  sufferings 
of  the  Church.^ 

The  state  of  France,  consequent  upon  the  disso- 
lution of  the  Roman  empire,  must  be  taken  into 
account  in  our  estimate  of  religion  at  that  crisis. 
Society  had  become  thoroughly  disorganised,  and 
the  Church  struggled  with  peculiar  local  difficulties. 
For  instance,  political  treason  was  no  crime  in  the 
eye  of  existing  law.  The  penalty  for  murder  was 
only  a  small  fine.  In  personal  quarrels  friends  and 
relatives  were  sure  to  become  involved.  The  freedom 
of  people  was  entirely  at  the  mercy  of  rulers.  Thou- 
sands might  be  transported  from  one  part  of  the 
country  to  another,  on  the  authority  of  government, 
such  as  it  was.  Property  in  land  could  be  seized  for 
use  by  those  who  had  no  right  to  it.     The  life  of  an 

*  Middle  Ages,  chap,  i.,  part  i.  ^  Liber  viii. 


Ch.X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  307 

old  Roman  in  the  country  was  worth  only  half  that 
of  a  Frank.  "It  is  a  weary  and  unprofitable  task," 
says  Hallam,  "  to  follow  changes,  through  scenes  of 
tumult  and  bloodshed,  in  which  the  eye  meets  with 
no  sunshine."  ^ 

Historical  justice  demands  our  recognition  of  what 
is  recorded  of  ccclesiastial  virtues.  Six  bishops,  at 
least,  are  described  as  honouring  their  profession, 
Claudius  of  Vienne,  in  the  fourth  century,  was  a 
Greek  and  Latin  author,  who  wrote  a  treatise  on 
Hiuiiaii  Souls,  and  composed  verses  condemning  pro- 
fane poetry  ;  and  without  using  the  title  he  fulfilled 
the  duties  of  a  bishop.  Simplicius,  in  the  fifth 
century,  after  suffering  imprisonment  for  conscience' 
sake,  adorned  his  episcopate  by  humility  and  bene- 
volence, and,  having  married,  "  brought  up  his  children 
in  the  fear  of  God."  Lupus  of  Troyes,  in  the  same 
century,  is  called  "  father  of  fathers,  bishop  of  bishops, 
and  chief  of  all  Gallic  pontiffs."  He  liberated  slaves, 
and  made  the  poor  his  heirs.  Perpetuus,  a  literary 
man,  and  Archbishop  of  Tours,  protested  against 
priestly  immoralities.  Remigius,  contemporary  Arch- 
bishop of  Rheims,  is  described  as  an  eloquent  orator. 


'  Hallam's  Stale  of  Europe,  chap,  i.,  part  i,     Salvian  paints 
a  terrible  picture  of  France, 


3o8    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Ceesarius  of  Aries,  in  the  sixth  century,  laboured  to 
restore  ecclesiastical  discipline.^ 

Gregory,  Bishop  of  Tours  in  the  last  quarter  of 
the  sixth  century,  a  well-known  author,  made  a 
mark  amongst  historians ;  and,  as  a  worthy  eccle- 
siastic, braved  the  wrath  of  King  Chilperic,  declaring, 
"  You  must  follow  the  teachings  of  apostles  and  the 
orthodox  Church." 

Religion  in  France  depended  much  upon  episcopal 
appointments,  A  right  of  choosing  its  own  bishop 
was  claimed  by  the  diocese,  but  gradually  it  was 
denied  and  withdrawn.  Large  property  was  possessed 
by  the  Church.  Some  sees  were  richly  endowed,  and 
their  wealth  became  the  prey  of  kings  and  nobles  ; 
an  episcopal  throne  fell  to  the  highest  bidder. 

IV.  There  is  no  country  where  traditionalism  has 
run  riot  to  the  same  extent  as  it  has  done  in  Spain. 
It  is  asserted  that  the  Apostle  James — Santiago  he 
is  called — soon  after  the  crucifixion,  asked  the  Virgin 
Mary's  permission  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  Spain  ; 
and  having  obtained  it,  went  to  Zaragoza,  whither 
"angels  then  brought  her  on  a  jasper  pillar,"  and 
there  the  pillar  remains  unto  this  day,  an  object  of 


'  Fleiiry,    xxxiii.,    xxxv.       See    also    Stnith's   Dictionary  of 
Christian  Biography. 


Ch.  X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  309 

worship  to  thousands  of  Spaniards.  Numerous 
Spanish  authors  maintain  the  genuineness  of  the 
legend.  That  the  Gospel  was  preached  at  an 
early  period  in  Spain  there  can  be  no  doubt ;  and 
churches  existed  there  before  the  Moorish  invasion. 
Magnificent  cathedrals,  which  now  fill  visitors  with 
wonder,  are  of  later  date. 

Spain  is  curiously  connected  with  the  story  of 
Ravenna.  Amalaric,  grandson  of  Theodoric  the 
Goth,  was  recognised  sovereign  of  Gothic  territories 
west  of  the  Rhone  ;  and  royal  treasure  was  sent 
from  Ravenna  to  Narbonne,  where  Amalaric  held 
his  Court.  He  married  Clotilda,  daughter  of  Clovis. 
Clotilda  was  Catholic  ;  Amalaric  was  Arian.  Quarrels 
ensued  between  the  families.  The  Frankish  sove- 
reign marched  against  Narbonne,  and  defeated  the 
Goths,  who  fied  to  Spain.  There  they  became 
established  ;  and,  strange  as  it  seems,  Levvigild,  a 
Goth,  became  king  of  a  territory  south  of  the 
Pyrenees.  Levvigild  raised  his  son  Ermenegild  to 
the  throne,  and  they  reigned  together,  both  being 
Arians.  The  son  afterwards  married  an  orthodox 
wife,  and  this  exasperated  the  heterodox  spouse  of 
his  father.  She  determined  to  make  her  daughter- 
in-law  like  herself;  and,  for  that  end,  seized  her 
by   the   hair   of  her   head,  and  trampled  her  under 


3IO   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

foot.  She  succeeded  so  far  as  to  force  her  victim 
to  receive  a  fresh  baptism  from  an  Arian  priest. 
Afterwards  Levvigild's  son,  Ermenegild,  renounced 
Arianism  and  professed  orthodoxy,  which  act  in- 
censed his  parents,  and  a  furious  quarrel  ensued. 
The  rebellious  son  was  imprisoned  and  executed, 
dying  an  avowed  Catholic.  Legends  relate  that  his 
dungeon  was  miraculously  illuminated,  and  angels 
sang  a  requiem  over  his  corpse.  Levvigild  had,  by 
a  former  marriage,  a  son  named  Reccared,  who  suc- 
ceeded his  father.  Reccared  had  been  an  Arian, 
but,  after  his  accession,  professed  the  orthodox  faith, 
and  persuaded  a  synod  of  Arian  bishops  to  follow  his 
example.  The  orthodox  revolution  proved  a  success. 
Under  the  Goths  an  ecclesiastical  establishment 
of  prelates  and  provincial  councils  took  place  ;  also 
monasteries,  with  a  record  of  miracles,  began  to 
appear.  Absurd  stories  are  told  of  a  bishop's  corpse 
placed  on  a  bier  being  miraculously  carried  "  up  hill 
and  down  dale  "  ;  and  of  St.  Fructuosus,  who  sought 
solitude,  and  was  accompanied  by  a  flock  of  crows 
which  went  before  to  guide  him  to  his  place  of 
retreat.  But  Isidore  is  the  man  who  appears  with 
greatest  glory  in  early  Spain,  both  as  saint  and 
author.  "  O  Great  Isidore,"  exclaims  St.  Braulio 
"  in  thy  works  thou  hast  comprised  the  histories  of 


Ch.  X]         INCIPIENT  EUROPEAN  NATIONALISM  31! 

thy  country  ;  the  distinction  of  periods  ;  the  rights 
of  the  Church  ;  the  discipline  of  the  priesthood  ; 
the  laws,  ecclesiastical  and  civil ;  the  geography  of 
climes  and  regions ;  the  origin  and  nature  of  all 
things,  human  and  divine."^  Isidore  was  a  diligent 
compiler,  and  "  undoubtedly  the  greatest  man  of  his 
time  in  the  Church  of  Spain."  ^  He  was  Archbishop 
of  Seville  for  nearly  forty  years,  and  died  in  6^6. 
"  If  we  place  the  birth  of  Isidore  about  560,  we  shall 
not  be  far  wrong." 

The  Catholic  Faith  v/as  declared  the  religion  of 
Spain  in  A.D.   589. 

'  Hist,  of  Spain  and  Poi-iugal,  vol.  i.,  p.  215.  A  work  of 
extensive  research. 

-  Diet,  of  Christian  Biography^  by  Drs.  Smith  and  Wnce, 
article  "  Isidore." 


CHAPTER  XI 
MONKS  A  ND  MISSIONS 

ASCETICISM  was  floating  in  the  air  at  an  early 
period.  We  meet  with  a  notable  hermit  in 
Antony,  of  the  third  century.  The  history  of  him  is 
a  work  attributed  to  Athanasius,  and  his  character 
is  eulogised  by  Jerome  after  the  following  fashion  : 
"  Perhaps,  at  the  close  of  tJiis  little  book,  some  who  are 
ignorant  of  his  inheritance,  who  adorn  their  houses 
with  marble  and  cover  their  estates  with  elegant 
villas,  may  ask,  Why  were  all  these  wanting  to  this 
poor  aged  man  ?  You  drink  out  of  a  cup  of  gems  ; 
he  was  content  with  one  which  nature  supplied, — the 
hollow  of  his  own  hands.  You  clothe  yourselves  in 
embroidered  tunics  ;  he  was  clothed  in  a  garb  such  as 
your  slaves  would  not  wear.  But,  on  the  other  hand, 
to  this  poor  man  paradise  was  opened  ;  for  you,  rich 
men,  perdition  is  prepared.  He,  though  naked,  was 
clothed   in  the  robe  of  Christ ;  you,  clothed    in  fine 


Ch.  XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  313 

linen,  lack  the  better  raiment.  Paul  [the  hermit], 
covered  with  a  little  dust,  is  about  to  rise  to  glory  ; 
you,  slumbering  under  marble  sepulchres,  shall  be 
consumed  with  all  your  possessions.  I  entreat  you 
who  read  these  things  that  you  would  be  mindful  of 
Jerome  a  sinner,  who,  if  the  Lord  would  give  him 
the  choice,  would  much  rather  have  Paul's  humble 
clothing  with  his  merits,  than  the  purple  robe  of 
kings  with  their  punishments." 

Jerome  was  a  scholar,  employed  by  Damasus, 
Bishop  of  Rome,  to  revise  the  Septuagint  version  of 
the  Old  Testament ;  and  whilst  so  engaged  became 
acquainted  with  a  noble  family  represented  by  a  lady 
named  Paula,  wdio  had  become  a  widow,  and  was 
filled  with  a  longing  to  visit  the  Holy  Land,  and  now 
the  two  resolved  on  a  pilgrimage  to  Jerusalem. 
They  did  not  travel  together,  but  after  separate 
departures  she  followed  to  Bethlehem,  where  she 
instituted  a  nunnery  and  he  gathered  a  community 
of  monks.  A  great  change  had  occurred  in  Jerome's 
religious  feeling,  and  this  led  to  a  decided  turn 
in  his  course  of  life.  Athanasius'  visit  to  Rome 
and  his  story  of  St.  Antony  is  connected  by  his- 
torians with  the  step  now  taken  by  Jerome  and  Paula- 
It  was  preceded  also  by  the  resolve  of  another  lady, 
named   Melania,  who    lost  her  husband  and  two  or 


3M    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  11 

three  children  ;  after  which  bereavement  she  ex- 
claimed, "  1  am  the  freer  to  serve  Thee,  my  Lord, 
since  Thou  hast  separated  me  from  earthly  ties." 
She  departed  from  Rome,  and  left  a  little  boy  behind, 
saying,  "  God  will  take  care  of  him  better  than  I  can 
do  " — thus  neglecting  an  obvious  duty  while  yielding 
to  a  superstitious  impulse. 

When  Paula  and  her  virgins,  and  Jerome,  with 
other  friends,  reached  Bethlehem,  she  with  her 
companions  settled  down  in  a  nunnery,  while  he 
adopted  as  his  permanent  cell,  a  cave  near  that  of 
the  Nativity.  Paula  died  in  A.D.  403,  but  Jerome 
survived  her  seventeen  years. 

Epiphanius,  Bishop  of  Salamis.  visited  Jerusalem, 
and  there  preached  a  sermon  condemning  the  writ- 
ings of  Origen,  then  held  by  many  Eastern  Christians 
in  great  renown.  Jerome,  and  Rufinus,  at  that  time 
in  the  East,  both  decided  ascetics,  had  been 
admirers  of  the  distinguished  Alexandrian  ;  but  now 
the  former  appeared  to  sympathise  with  Epiphanius, 
this  displeased  Rufinus,  and  the  quarrel  between 
the  two  was  regarded  by  Augustine  as  a  inagnuvi  et 
triste  miraculnDi.  After  having  vied  with  each  other 
in  admiration  of  the  great  critic  and  philosopher, 
they  became  rivals  in  the  violence  of  their  dislike 
to    him.      The     controversy    spread,    and     it    con- 


Cii.XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  3 IS 

tinued  to  burn  between  the  two  scholars  with  increas- 
ing fierceness.  Rufinus  wrote  against  Jerome,  and 
Jerome  wrote  an  apology  for  himself  in  reply  whilst 
at  Bethlehem  in  the  year  402.  An  account  of  both 
works  may  be  found  in  the  third  volume  of  the 
Nicene  and  Post-Nicene  Fathers,  edited  by  Drs. 
Wace  and  Schaff.  The  two  ascetic  scholars  had 
been  close  friends  ;  now  they  appeared  as  excited 
foes  ;  yet  one  is  glad  to  find  that  in  the  midst 
of  the  strife  Jerome  wrote  a  friendly  letter  to 
Rufinus. 

At  Jerusalem,  Jerome  came  in  contact  with  Vigi- 
lantius,  an  early  antagonist  of  superstitious  worship, 
who  maintained  that  honour  rendered  to  memories 
and  to  graves  of  departed  saints  was  superstitious, 
and  therefore  to  be  condemned  ;  also  he  said  that 
money  sent  for  poor  saints  at  Jerusalem  by  Chris- 
tians in  Italy  and  France  had  better  have  been  kept 
in  Europe.  Moreover  Vigilantius  declared  the  hermit 
who  spent  his  time  in  solitude  was  a  coward,  and 
that  it  would  be  good  for  priests  to  marry.  Such 
opinions  Jerome  condemned  as  blasphemous ;  and 
Vigilantius  returning  to  Europe,  continued  his  war 
against  superstition,  and  published  a  book  on  the 
subject  in  A.D.  403.  It  is  said  that  the  Bishop 
of    Toulouse    favoured    the    anti-monastic    views    of 


3l6   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Vigilantius,  then  beginning  to  spread  in  Southern 
Gaul.  Jerome  retained  his  indignation  against  the 
reformer,  and  plunged  into  controversy  on  the  side 
of  existing  worship. 

Jerome's  character  presents  a  great  puzzle.  Super- 
stitious, ambitious,  vain  of  his  learning,  impatient 
under  reproof,  and  merciless  in  his  castigations  of 
an  opponent, — better  things  are  known  of  him. 
Amidst  his  haughtiness  he  wrote  in  a  letter  :  "  Be- 
cause the  Lord  sets  free  the  captive,  and  looks 
to  the  humble  and  the  contrite,  perhaps  He  may 
say  to  me  also,  lying  in  the  grave  of  wickedness, 
'Jerome,  come  forth.'  All  things  are  possible  with 
God,  and  conversion  is  never  too  late.  The  thief 
from  the  cross  entered  paradise."  Jerome's  precepts 
differed  from  his  conduct.  "  Whether  you  read  or 
write,  watch  or  sleep,"  he  said,  "  let  love  sound  a 
trumpet  in  your  ears." 

At  the  time  when  Jerome  the  monk  lived  and 
worked  so  hard,  asceticism,  of  which  he  so  largely 
partook,  prevailed  powerfully,  East  and  West ;  and 
a  not  much  noticed,  but  remarkable,  instance  of 
it  may  be  here  introduced.  A  Greek  gentleman, 
named  Nilus,  after  having  held  a  high  position  in 
the  Constantinopolitan  court,  determined  upon 
leading   a   hermit-life,   in    the   wilderness   of  Sinai — 


Ch.  XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  317 

near  where  the  present  monastery  of  St.  Catherine 
stands — in  awful  solitude,  under  the  matchless 
splendour  of  a  sky  which,  once  seen,  especially  at 
eventide,  can  never  be  forgotten.  Nilus  took  with 
him  a  son,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  Arabs.  They 
led  him  away  captive,  intending  to  offer  him  as  a 
sacrifice  to  the  morning  star,  but  oversleeping 
themselves  they  found  it  was  too  late  to  accomplish 
their  purpose.  They  sold  him  for  a  slave,  after 
which  he  came  into  the  hands  of  a  bishop,  who 
restored  him  to  his  father  ;  and  he  was  afterwards 
consecrated  a  Christian  priest. 

Amongst  those  who  devoted  themselves  to  an 
ascetic  life  in  the  West  was  Honoratus,  a  noble  Gaul, 
who,  after  having  visited  Greece,  settled  in  monastic 
life  within  a  small  island  on  the  coast  of  France — 
the  Riviera,  now  so  fashionable  a  resort  of  winter 
visitors.  The  island,  two  leagues  from  Antibes,  and 
bearing  the  name  of  Lerins,  and  St.  Honore,  became 
his  fixed  abode  ;  where,  in  A.D.  400,  he  founded  a 
famous  monastery,  to  which  disciples  flocked  ;  and 
amongst  the  earliest  was  Hilary,  who  succeeded 
Honoratus  as  Abbot  of  Lerins  and  as  Bishop  of 
Aries.  The  place  became  a  resort  for  such  as  for- 
sook the  world,  amongst  whom  were  zealous  students 
who    secured    on    its    behalf    renown    for    learnincf 


3i8   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

and  piety/  Literary  culture  was  a  commanding 
pursuit  in  some  of  these  monastic  foundations,  and 
to  them  the  modern  world  is  indebted  far  beyond 
what  is  generally  acknowledged. 

Whilst  we  have  seen  that  asceticism  yielded  fruit 
in  the  East  under  different  forms,  we  may  add  it 
was  also  variously  developed  in  the  West.  We 
learn  much  of  what  went  on  through  a  like  agency 
at  that  period  in  Ireland.  John  Cassian,  educated 
at  Bethlehem,  and  afterwards  familiar  with  the 
monasticism  of  Egypt,  is  thought  to  have  conveyed 
to  the  Green  Isle,  through  his  writings,  a  knowledge 
ol  his  ascetic  system.  His  ideas  became  an  in- 
spiration, leading  to  monastic  modes  of  life,  and 
to  heroic  endeavours  for  enlightening  the  minds  and 
converting  the  lives  of  Western  pagans. 

The  famous  Irish  monk  known  as  St.  Patrick, 
whose  birth,  as  to  exact  date,  is  wrapped  in  mystery, 
was,  at  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth  century,  an 
instrument  of  conveying  Gospel  truth  to  his  be- 
nighted   countrymen.      I   avoid  attempts  to  unravel 

'  An  interesting  account  of  the  monastery,  and  its  extensive 
architectural  remains,  may  be  found,  with  ample  illustrations,  in 
Macgibbon's  Architecture  of  Pi-ovcnce  and  the  Riviera,  a  book 
well  worthy  the  perusal  of  those  who  visit  that  fashionable 
neighbourhood. 


Ch.  XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  319 


the  critical  story  of  his  mission,  and  confine  myself 
to  what  he  has  himself  written.  "  Whence  has  it 
come  to  pass,"  he  asks,  "  that  in  Ireland  they  who 
never  had  any  knowledge,  and  until  now  worshipped 
idols,  have  lately  become  a  people  of  the  Lord  ?  " ' 
Obscurities  of  expression  occur  in  his  reply,  of 
which  the  substance  appears  to  be  that  he  fulfilled 
his  mission  by  Divine  help. 

He  commenced  at  VVicklow,  and  preached  to 
some  swineherds  there.  This  brought  him  into 
collision  with  Druidical  priests,  and  he  visited  Con- 
naught,  converted  a  king's  daughter,  and  was  so 
successful  as  to  found  the  See  of  Armagh.  He 
established  monasteries,  resembling  those  in  Egypt ; 
in  fact,  clusters  of  huts,  shaped  like  beehives,  and 
entered  through  low  doors,  sometimes  not  without 
crawling,  the  largest  of  such  enclosures  measuring 
about  twenty-four  feet  by  fifteen.^  Columba  fol- 
lowed Patrick  in  missionary  work,  and  was  educated 
at  St.  Clonard,  where  his  labours  commenced  ;  and 
to  him  is  attributed  the  foundation  of  three  hundred 
churches.  It  is  said,  he  made  copies  of  the  Scrip- 
tures, and  spent  forty  years  in  Christian  work.     One 

'  Confessions  of  St.   Patrick.      See  Stokes'  Ireland  and  the 
Celtic  Church,  p.  26. 
^  Stokes'  Ireland  and  the  Celtic  Chnrch,  Lecture  IX. 


320    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

beautiful  monument  of  his  missionary  enterprise  is 
the  founding  of  a  monastery  at  lona,  which,  with 
its  azure  sea  on  a  cahn  summer's  evening,  is  a  picture 
once  seen  never  to  be  forgotten. 

Adamnan  wrote  a  hfe  of  Columba,  dwelling  on 
his  prophecies  and  miracles.  Incredible  stories  are 
related ;  but  we  can  believe  the  community  over 
which  he  presided  was  numerous  ;  that  meetings 
were  held  for  deciding  disputed  questions ;  that  the 
monastery  was  a  harbour  of  refuge  ;  and  that  hos- 
pitality was  a  virtue  displayed  to  all  strangers.  One 
Sunday  morning,  as  the  matin  bell  rung,  Adamnan 
lay,  looking  towards  heaven  with  wistful  gaze ;  and 
making  efforts  to  utter  a  benediction,  he  passed 
away  to  the  world  of  peace  and  joy. 

But  this  early  missionary  Church  in  Ireland 
appears  to  have  been  powerless  to  civilise  its  own 
neighbourhood.  Early  promise  in  this  respect  was 
not  accomplished.  The  savage  custom  of  summoning 
women  to  fight,  it  is  said,  was  rebuked ;  but  there 
remains  no  good  evidence  that  the  Celtic  missionaries 
sought  to  restrain  tribal  wars.^ 


'  See,  on  the  subject  of  early  Christianity  iu  Ireland,  Stokes' 
Ireland  and  the  Celtic  Chitnii  ;  Oldens  Church  of  Ireland, 
Second  Period, 


Ch.XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  321 


Columbanus,  another  Irish  missionary  in  the  sixth 
century,  whose  birth  is  dated  A.D.  543,  proceeded  to 
the  Continent,  with  twelve  companions,  and  under- 
took a  journey  to  the  Vosgcs  district.  There  lingers 
still  a  tradition,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Colmar 
and  Munster,^  that,  at  the  date  mentioned,  some 
Scotchmen  built  huts  with  sods  and  boughs,  and 
also  employed  themselves  in  tilling  the  land.  It  is 
to  me  a  noticeable  coincidence  that  at  Ban  de  la 
Roche — not  very  far  off — the  memorable  French 
pastor  Oberlin  laboured  in  modern  times  for  the 
temporal  and  spiritual  welfare  of  this  parish.  With 
my  recollections  of  that  pleasant  spot,  and  of 
Obcrlin's  parsonage,  I  love  to  blend  the  story  of 
Columbanus.  It  is  pleasant  to  think  of  the  two 
at  work  in  the  same  vicinity,  apart  in  time  and 
form,  but  alike  in  combination  of  civilising  and 
sacred  toils. 

Columbanus  remained  abroad,  wedded  to  his 
native  Celtic  habits  of  keeping  Easter  and  preserving 
the  tonsure — a  distinction  which  separated  Irish 
from    Gallic    Catholics  ;    and    the    breach    between 

'  Wolf's  Country  of  the  Vosgcs,  p.  214.  Dr.  Dullinger  paints 
too  bright  a  picture  of  h-eland  in  the  sixth  and  seventh  centuries. 
Irish  missionaries  abroad  seem  to  have  been  much  more  effective 
than  the  Church  at  home. 

21 


32  2    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOIVS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

them  was  widened  by  Irish  reproofs  of  immorality 
occurring  in  the  Burgundian  Court  under  Queen 
Brunchild.  Irish  faithfuhiess  offended  her  majesty, 
and  the  king  sent  the  missionary  away.  Columbanus, 
availing  himself  of  his  freedom,  visited  a  friendly 
prince,  who  conducted  him  to  the  Rhine,  whence  he 
proceeded  to  Switzerland  and  reached  the  Lake  of 
Constance,  where  he  settled  for  a  while,  at  Bregentz, 
whence  he  proceeded  to  Italy. 

Another  Irish  monk  was  St.  Gall,  who  settled  at 
the  west  end  of  the  lake,  seeking  the  conversion 
of  the  neighbouring  inhabitants.  He  built  a  cell, 
which  afterwards  became  the  magnificent  building 
still  known  by  his  name.  Different  times  of  keeping 
Easter,  and  other  customs,  kept  the  Irish  from 
communing  with  foreign  Churches. 

In  tracing  monastic  activity  on  missionary  lines 
and  for  the  sake  of  preserving  the  order  of  events 
and  not  interrupting  the  progress  of  the  Irish  enter- 
prise, I  have  passed  by  a  development  which  was 
Italian,  and  commenced  by  the  famous  Benedict 
of  Nursia,  born  about  A.D.  480,  after  the  death  of 
St.  Patrick,  and  more  than  half  a  century  before 
Columbanus  entered  the  world.  He  was  a  man 
of  a  very  different  type  from  those  Hibernian 
missionaries   I   have  imperfectly  described. 


Ch.  XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  323 


I  some  time  ago  made  an  excursion  from  Rome 
to  Subiaco.  Just  by  that  town  there  is  a  deep  gorge, 
with  sloping  sides  of  rock  and  foHage,  reaching 
down  to  the  river  Arno,  bordered  by  chestnut  trees, 
amidst  which,  here  and  there,  rose  a  tall  cypress. 
The  brow  of  the  hill,  on  the  side  of  the  river  nearest 
Subiaco,  bears  a  far-famed  monastery  in  which 
(very  different  then  from  what  it  is  now)  Benedict 
spent  his  early  days,  and  prepared  for  his  lifework, 
which  really  began  at  Monte  Cassino,  early  in  the 
sixth  century.  There  he  met  the  ferocious  Totila, 
and  was  in  the  same  place  cheered  by  the  visits  of 
his  memorable  sister.^  His  conception  of  monastic 
life  was  altogether  different  from  that  of  the  men 
I  have  just  described.  Theirs  was  missionary  work, 
preaching  the  gospel  to  heathens  ;  but  Benedict's 
was  the  improvement  of  Italy  and  Europe  in 
civilisation,  literary  culture,  social  habits,  and 
Christian  life,  according  to  ideas  which  obtained  at 
that  period.  Benedict  inaugurated  a  new  era  in 
monastic  history.  Rule  and  system  took  the  place 
of  local  and  accidental  custom,  and  this  reformer 
elaborated  an  institute  which  spread  far  and  wide, 
playing  a   distinguished    part   in    European   civilisa- 

'  See  articles  "  Benedict  of  Nursia"  and  "  Sta  Scholastica"  in 
Smith's  Diciionary  0/  Christian  Biography. 


324    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

tion  for  ages  afterwards.  No  one  who  has  read 
Benedict's  Rules  but  must  admit  his  eminent  genius 
and  benevolent  disposition.  The  Rules  were  adapted 
to  the  age,  as  shown  by  the  fact  that  1,481  Bene- 
dictine monasteries  existed  in  the  eighth  century. 
His  Rules  provided  hospices  where  travellers  were 
welcomed  and  refreshed,  after  salutation,  prayer, 
and  a  kiss  of  peace.  Washing  feet,  and  rubbing 
them  with  oil,  are  prescribed  as  parts  of  the  welcome 
given  ;  also  reading  the  Bible,  or  some  other  reli- 
gious book,  for  the  instruction  of  visitors.  Benedic- 
tine monasteries  were  provided  with  sitting-rooms, 
dormitories,  and  kitchens,  for  sojourners,  distinct 
from  those  used  by  members  of  the  Order.  Some- 
times a  few  strangers  were  invited  to  the  abbot's 
table.^  In  the  unsettled  mediaeval  age  the  institu- 
tion was  valuable  beyond  what  is  generally 
supposed. 

We  now  come  to  our  own  country,  to  find  it  in 
a  miserable  condition.  It  is  surprising,  after  Roman 
civilisation  had  existed  here  so  long,  after  the 
British  Church  had  attained  importance  sufficient 
to  secure  for  it  representatives  at  the  Council  of 
Aries,  to  discover  that  the  British  people  had  to  a  large 

^  See,  in  Smith's  Biog.  Diet,  article  on  Benedictus  of  Nursia 
just  noticed. 


Ch.  XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  325 


extent  sunk  into  a  state  of  comparative  barbarism 
and  pagan  ignorance. 

There  seems  ample  evidence  to  prove  that  the 
Romanised  Celts,  whom  our  Teutonic  fathers  found 
here,  influenced  materially  the  character  of  our 
nation.  But  the  main  stream  of  our  ancestors  was 
Germanic.  Our  language  alone  decisively  proves 
this.  Arminius,  "  the  great  Germanic  hero  and  con- 
queror of  the  first  century,  is  far  more  truly  one  of 
our  national  heroes  than  Caractacus  ;  and  it  was 
our  own  primeval  fatherland  that  the  brave  German 
general  rescued  from  barbarism  when  he  slaughtered 
the  Roman  legions,  eighteen  centuries  ago,  in  the 
marshy  glens  between  the  Lippe  and  the  Ems."  ^ 

The  British  Gildas,  whose  work  is  a  rambling 
lamentation  over  the  troubles  of  his  country,  has 
frequently  been  cited  as  to  the  influence  of  Chris- 
tianity within  our  shores  ;  but  it  appears  to  me  that 
his  authority  is  doubtful,  since  searching  criticism 
has  made  it  appear  uncertain  as  to  who  he  was 
and  where  he  lived.  His  birth  has  been  sought 
between   A.D.  484   and    520,  his  death    between  565 


*  Creasey's  Fifteen  Decisive  Battles  of  the  Wor/d,  chap.  v. 
Arminius  broke  the  Roman  yoke,  and  prepared  for  the  liberties 
of  England. 


326   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


and  602.  If  the  earlier  be  correct  dates,  then  what 
he  says  of  comparative  prosperity  would  carry 
weight  with  it ;  but  if  the  latter  be  near  the  mark, 
then  he  could  only  rest  on  old  reports  liable  to  much 
inaccuracy.  However,  we  can  rely  on  Haddon  and 
Stubbs,  who  give  a  summary  of  authorities  for  the 
statement,  that  there  existed  a  British  Church,  with 
edifices,  clergy,  and  discipline,  at  the  end  of  the 
fourth  century.  So  general  a  conclusion  is  not  all 
we  want.  Examinations  have  been  made  into 
architectural  remains  of  sacred  edifices  containing 
Roman  work  ;  but,  from  what  I  have  seen  of  some 
such  relics,  and  what  I  have  read  respecting  others, 
it  seems  likely  that  they  belonged  to  buildings  at 
a  period  when  Britain  was  under  Imperial  rule.  The 
history  of  England  from  the  departure  of  the 
Romans  to  the  mission  of  Augustine  is  wrapped 
in  mystery. 

It  seems  probable  that  the  island  relapsed  into 
a  state  of  more  or  less  heathenism.  We  find  that, 
early  in  the  seventh  century,  the  vestiges  of  British 
Christendom  were  confined  to  Wales,  and  a  few 
other  spots  in  the  island.  We  find  no  clear  notice 
of  bishops  in  Britain  between  the  early  part  of  the 
fourth  century,  when  the  Council  of  Aries  was  held, 
and  the  arrival   of  Augustine.     Pagan   conquests  of 


Ch.XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  327 


Roman  territory  swept  away  the  vestiges  of  Roman 
Christianity.  It  is  remarkable  what  a  reHgious  blank 
is  left  in  the  history  of  our  country  between  the 
fourth  and  the  close  of  the  sixth  century.  At  the 
later  period  we  find  Ethelbert,  King  of  Kent  and 
Bretwalder,  or  overruler,  of  princes  south  of  the 
Humber.  He  married  a  daughter  of  a  Prankish 
monarch.  This  lady  brought  to  England  a  Prankish 
bishop,  who  exercised  his  ministry  in  a  little  church 
near  Canterbury.  It  is  curious  to  find  that  the 
learned  antiquary,  Sir  T.  Duffus  Hardy,  gives 
reason  for  thinking  that  the  Utrecht  Psalter,^  with 
the  Athanasian  Creed  appended,  once  belonged  to 
this  same  Bertha,  and  probably  was  bequeathed 
by  her  to  the  monastery  of  Reculver.  Sir  Thomas 
believed  the  handwriting  in  the  Psalter  to  be 
of  sixth  or  seventh  century  date,  while  the  MS. 
gives  further  evidence  of  its  great  antiquity  and 
costliness.  It  could  have  belonged  only  to  some 
royal  personage. 


'  "  The  Athanasian  Creed  and  Utrecht  Psalter  "  is  a  facsimile 
of  the  original,  edited  by  Sir  Thomas,  and  printed  for  private 
circulation.  He  favoured  me  with  a  copy,  now  on  my  table. 
I  may  here  add  that  Pearson,  Usher,  Hammond,  I'Estrange,  and 
others  are  cited  as  authorities  in  support  of  the  Latin  origin  of 
the  Creed. 


328    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  H 

As  monks  were  noted  missionaries  in  Ireland  and 
on  the  Continent,  so  now  monks,  headed  by  Augus- 
tine from  Rome,  brought  Christianity  back  to  this 
country  at  the  close  of  the  sixth  century.  Last 
summer,  when  at  Ramsgate,  I  visited  the  reputed 
spot  where  he  arrived,  but  tradition  is  so  vague 
and  the  coast  is  so  altered  that  I  could  reach  no 
satisfactory  conclusion  as  to  the  exact  place  where 
he  disembarked.  The  spot  on  which  the  king  met 
the  monks  from  Rome  is  described  as  on  "  high 
ground,  dotted  with  woods."  The  latter  have  long 
since  vanished. 

Dean  Stanley  gives  this  imaginary  sketch  of 
Augustine's  arrival :  "  The  Saxon  king,  '  the  Son  of 
the  Ash-tree,'  with  his  wild  soldiers  round,  seated 
on  the  bare  ground,  on  one  side  ;  on  the  other  side, 
with  a  huge  silver  cross  borne  before  him  (crucifixes 
were  not  yet  introduced),  and  beside  it  a  large  pic- 
ture of  Christ,  painted  and  gilded,  after  the  fashion 
of  those  times,  on  an  upright  board,  came  up  from 
the  shore  Augustine  and  his  companions,  chanting, 
as  they  advanced,  a  solemn  litany,  for  themselves 
and  for  those  to  whom  they  came.  He,  as  we  are 
told,  was  a  man  of  almost  gigantic  stature,  head 
and  shoulders  taller  than  any  one  else.  With  him 
were    Laurence,    who    afterwards    succeeded    him    as 


Ch.  XI]  MONKS  AND  MISSIONS  329 


Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and  Peter,  who  became 
the  first  Abbot  of  Saint  Augustine's."  ^  Such,  it 
may  be  imagined,  was  the  opening  of  a  missionary 
commission,  which  brought  a  permanent  reign  of 
Christianity  into  our  native  land. 

Augustine  sent  his  companion  Laurence  back  to 
Rome,  and  he  returned  to  England  in  A.D.;6oi,  with 
other  monks,  to  strengthen  the  mission.  Soon  after- 
wards Gregory  wrote  to  Augustine  congratulating 
him  on  the  success  of  his  labours,  pronouncing  them 
"  miraculous,"  adding,  "  Rejoice  not  at  this,  but 
rather  rejoice  that  your  names  are  written  in 
heaven."  Gregory  authorised  Augustine  to  establish 
twelve  bishoprics  in  this  country,  and  gave  instruc- 
tion as  to  applying  ecclesiastical  revenues  for 
supporting  the  episcopate,  the  clergy,  the  poor, 
and  the  building  of  churches.  It  is  curious  to  find 
him  saying,  "Those  admitted  to  holy  orders,  and 
unable  to  lead  a  life  of  continence,  ought  to 
marry." 

Gregory  directed  that  heathen  temples  should  not 
be  destroyed,  but  stripped  of  idolatry  and  devoted 
to  Christian  worship.  Arbours  were  to  be  con- 
structed round  such  buildings,  and  commemorations 

^  Hisiofical  Memorials  of  Cante}'b!tty,\).  17. 


33°   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  11 

held  in  them  "  with  sober  meals."  The  Bishop  of 
Rome  was  a  shrewd  man,  saying,  "  You  cannot 
reach  the  top  of  a  hill  by  one  jump,  but  must 
ascend  step  by  step." 

He  wrote  letters  both  to  King  Ethelbert  and 
Queen  Bertha.  The  latter  he  compliments  by  com- 
paring her  to  Helena,  mother  of  Constantine,  and 
exhorts  her  to  confirm  her  husband  in  Christian 
faith.^ 

These  letters  belong  to  the  opening  of  the  seventh 
century.     Augustine  died  in  604." 

It  should  be  remembered  that  there  had  been  in 
England  a  Celtic  or  Latin  Church  before  Augustine 
came  to  fulfil  his  mission  ;  but  that  Church  had 
died  out,  and  the  Anglo-Saxons,  for  some  reason, 
cherished  an  antipathy  against  it.  The  two  races 
were  antagonistic — Saxon  opposed  to  Celt,  Celt  to 
Saxon.     There  seems  to  have  been  "  a  determination 


'  Bede  is  the  only  trustworthy  author  for  the  story  of 
Augustine's  mission  to  England.  It  is  easy  to  speculate  on  the 
subject,  and  to  give  imaginary  sketches  of  what  was  probable ; 
but  such  imaginations  must  not  be  taken  for  history.  It  is 
remarkable  how  much  solid  information  on  the  subject  is  afforded 
by  the  "venerable  Bede." 

2  What  I  have  stated  is  gathered  from  Bede's  History  and 
Gregory's  Epistles. 


Ch.  XI]  MONKS  AND   MISSIONS  331 


in  the  Celtic  Church  not  to  attempt  the  con- 
version of  the  Anglo-Saxon  race.  The  Celtic 
Church,  after  a  time,  returned  to  a  sense  of  duty, 
although  old  prejudices  lingered  long  in  Wales  and 
Cornwall."  ^ 

'  Hook's  Lives  of  the  Archbishops  of  Canterbury,  i.,  12. 


CHAPTER   XII 

ECCLESIASTICAL  REVENUE  AND    OUTSIDE 
HELP 

NOTICE  has  been  taken  of  magnificent  churches 
built  by  Constantine  and  his  successors. 
Besides  such  benefactions  we  can  enumerate  other 
helps  afforded  from  national  resources.  In  the  two 
centuries  following  the  establishment  of  the  Church, 
no  less  than  eighteen  hundred  churches  were  added 
to  the  wealth  of  Christendom,  as  imperial  gifts,  in- 
creased by  popular  contributions.  The  three  basi- 
licas of  St.  Peter,  St.  Paul,  and  St.  John  Lateran 
had  bestowed  on  them  a  rent-roll  from  the  State 
amounting  to  ;^  12,000.  Such  endowments  were 
divided  into  four  parts,  for  bishops,  inferior  clergy, 
the  poor,  and  the  maintenance  of  Divine  worship. 

Arbitration  on  pecuniary  questions  was  entrusted 
to  clerical  persons,  and  then  legally  ratified.  Money 
liabilities  could  be  removed  by  episcopal  intercession  ; 

.332 


Ch.  XII]  ECCLESIASTICAL  REVENUE  333 

and,  besides  this,  the  privilege  of  sanctuary  was 
transferred  from  pagan  temples  to  Christian  churches. 
The  judgment  of  moral  conduct  depended  largely 
upon  the  sacred  order,  and  so  did  the  decision  of 
pecuniary  disputes  between  Christianised  citizens — 
buyers  and  sellers,  tenants  and  landlords.  The 
clergy  had  more  than  enough  to  do  with  such 
business  between  one  citizen  and  another.  Priests 
became  consulting  authorities  in  many  secular 
matters,  and  civil  law  was  often  mixed  up  with 
religious  advice.  When  we  recollect  how  legislation 
was  sought  in  ecclesiastical  disputes,  and  matters 
of  a  pecuniary  kind,  requiring  adjustment  between 
one  neighbour  and  another,  came  for  consideration 
before  the  clerical  order,  one  can  understand  how 
cases  of  conscience  often  became  mixed  up  with 
pecuniary  affairs,  and  how  much  secular  business 
fell  into  clerical  hands. 

Let  me  here  quote  what  Gibbon  says  on  matters 
of  this  description  : — 

"  Every  popular  government  has  experienced  the 
effects  of  rude  or  artificial  eloquence.  The  coldest 
nature  is  animated,  the  firmest  reason  is  moved,  by 
the  rapid  communication  of  the  prevailing  impulse  ; 
and  each  hearer  is  affected  by  his  own  passions, 
and  by  those   of  the   surrounding    multitude.      The 


334   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

crisis  of  civil  liberty  had  silenced  the  demagogues  of 
Athens  and  the  tribunes  of  Rome ;  the  custom  of 
preaching,  which  seems  to  constitute  a  considerable 
part  of  Christian  devotion,  had  not  been  introduced 
into  the  temples  of  antiquity  ;  and  the  ears  of 
monarchs  were  never  invaded  by  the  harsh  sound 
of  popular  eloquence,  till  the  pulpits  of  the  Empire 
were  filled  with  sacred  orators,  who  possessed  some 
advantages  unknown  to  their  profane  predecessors. 
The  arguments  and  rhetoric  of  the  tribune  were 
instantly  opposed,  with  equal  arms,  by  skilful  and 
resolute  antagonists  ;  and  the  cause  of  truth  and 
reason  might  derive  an  accidental  support  from  the 
conflict  of  hostile  passions.  The  bishop,  or  some 
distinguished  presbyter  to  whom  he  cautiously  dele- 
gated the  powers  of  preaching,  harangued,  without 
the  danger  of  interruption  or  reply,  a  submissive 
multitude  whose  minds  had  been  prepared  and 
subdued  by  the  awful  ceremonies  of  religion.  Such 
was  the  strict  subordination  of  the  Catholic  Church 
that  the  same  concerted  sounds  might  issue  at  once 
from  a  hundred  pulpits  of  Italy  or  Egypt,  if  they 
were  tuned  by  the  master  hand  of  some  Roman  or 
Alexandrian  primate.  The  design  of  this  institu- 
tion was  laudable,  but  the  fruits  were  not  always 
salutary.      The  preachers  recommended  the  practice 


Ch.  XII]  ECCLESIASTICAL  REVENUE  335 

of  the  social  duties,  but  they  exalted  the  perfection 
of  monastic  virtue,  which  is  painful  to  the  individual, 
and  useless  to  mankind.  Their  charitable  exhorta- 
tions betrayed  a  sacred  wish  that  the  clergy  might 
be  permitted  to  manage  the  wealth  of  the  faithful 
for  the  benefit  of  the  poor.  The  most  sublime 
representations  of  the  attributes  and  laws  of  the 
Deity  were  sullied  by  an  idle  mixture  of  meta- 
physical subtleties,  puerile  rites,  and  fictitious 
miracles  ;  and  they  expatiated  with  the  most  fervent 
zeal  on  the  religious  merit  of  hating  the  adversaries 
and  obeying  the  ministers  of  the  Church." 

The  representatives  of  the  Christian  republic  were 
regularly  assembled  in  the  spring  and  autumn  of 
each  year,  and  those  synods  diffused  the  spirit  of 
ecclesiastical  discipline  and  legislation  throughout 
the  hundred  and  twenty  provinces  of  the  Roman 
Empire. 

Whilst  one  cannot  help  recognising  the  spirit  of 
these  criticisms,  the  testimony  thus  borne  to  some 
of  the  preaching  in  the  fourth  century  is  not  with- 
out use  if  we  seek  for  shadows  as  well  as  lights 
in  the  oratory  of  the  age.  At  the  same  time  we 
are  bound  to  remember,  on  the  other  side,  the 
faithful  appeals  and  reproofs  addressed  to  false 
and    inconsistent    professors    of   Christianity   at   that 


336  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


period.  Gibbon,  while  he  tells  us  a  part  of  the 
truth  relative  to  the  Church  in  the  fifth  and  sixth 
centuries,  does  not  tell  the  whole.  He  cleverly 
blends  shadows  with  lights,  or  omits  the  whole 
altogether.  Of  faithful  and  salutary  preaching  he 
takes  no  account. 

The  study  of  historical  origins,  in  ecclesiastical  as 
in  political  matters,  is  deeply  interesting,  and  forms 
an  important  chapter  in  what  relates  to  outside  helps 
conferred  on  Christianity,  as  we  examine  the  rise  and 
progress  of  what  early  occurred  in  Church  history. 
Much  attention  has  been  paid  to  this  subject,  and 
it  has  amply  rewarded,  by  literary  results,  thorough 
critical  students.  How  much  more  we  know  on  such 
subjects  than  our  fathers  did  at  the  beginning  of  the 
last  century  !  Take,  for  example,  Stubbs'  Constitu- 
tional History  of  England,  and  it  will  be  found  how 
much  light  has  been  thrown  upon  subjects  which  were 
enigmas  to  our  forefathers. 

We  see  in  our  account  of  Augustine's  arrival  what 
he  did  in  England.  It  was  the  planting  of  slips  from 
the  great  tree  on  the  banks  of  the  Tiber  ;  and  the 
culture  of  it  in  the  county  of  Kent,  then  a  distinct 
kingdom,  was,  if  we  may  so  speak,  in  the  hands  of 
Roman  gardeners,  who  would  bind  and  guide  the 
young  saplings  as  far  as  possible  in  Roman  fashion. 


Ch.XII]  ECCLESIASTICAL   REVENUE  337 

There  would  be  little  of  original  British  training 
in  the  young  trees,  which  began  to  grow  near  the 
eastern  coast,  and  were  fanned  by  breezes  from 
distant  imperial  heights.  In  plain  words,  what  was 
done  ecclesiastically  at  Canterbury  was  after  an 
Italian  type  ;  but,  by  degrees,  English  influences 
would  be  brought  to  bear  upon  ecclesiastical  business 
in  general. 

What  had  been  distinct  Anglo-Saxon  kingdoms 
would  and  did  become  distinctly  Aiiglo-Saxon 
Churches,  and  could  not  lay  open  to  all  such  influ- 
ences as  floated  round  what  was  becoming  the  lordly 
Vatican.  Moreover,  be  it  remembered,  that  while 
Canterbury  was  converted  by  a  missionary  direct 
from  Rome,  Wessex  was  converted  by  Berinus  from 
North  Italy,  East  Anglia  by  a  Burgundian  priest, 
Northumbria  and  Mercia  by  missionaries  from 
Ireland — men  of  a  type  different  from  Augustine, 
and  such  as  we  met  with  in  our  account  of  mis- 
sionaries in  the  preceding  chapter.  Essex  and  Sussex 
were  evangelised  by  Saxon  priests,  Chad  and  Wilfrid. 
It  seemed  as  if  the  divisions  of  the  Heptarchy  were 
reproduced  in  the  early  British  sees,  and  the  fact 
must  not  be  overlooked  that  the  formation  of  Anglo- 
Saxon  methods  had  largely  to  do  with  ecclesiastical 
work    in  our  island,  so  many  miles  away  from   the 

22 


33^  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Vatican,  when  communication  with  it  such  as  is 
common  now  could  not  exist. 

Let  me  now  directly  quote  from  Dr.  Stubbs,  to 
whom  I  am  mainly  indebted  for  the  information  just 
given  : — 

"  The  development  of  the  local  machinery  of  the 
Church  was  in  a  reverse  order  to  that  of  the  State  ; 
the  bishoprics  being  first  formed,  then  the  parishes  ; 
and,  at  a  much  later  period,  the  archdeaconries  and 
deaneries.  The  original  bishoprics  of  the  conversion 
were  the  heptarchic  kingdoms  ;  and  the  see  was,  in 
some  instances,  the  capital.  The  kingdom  of  Kent 
formed  the  dioceses  of  Canterbury  and  her  suffragan 
Rochester  ;  Essex  was  the  diocese  of  London ; 
Wessex  that  of  Dorchester  or  Winchester  ;  North- 
umbria  that  of  York  ;  East  Anglia  that  of  Dunwich  ; 
the  site  of  the  original  Mercian  see  is  not  fixed,  but 
within  a  few  years  of  the  conversion,  it  was  placed  by 
St.  Chad  at  Lichfield.  In  all  cases,  for  a  short  time, 
the  diocese  coincided  with  the  kingdom,  and  needed 
no  other  limitation  ;  the  court  was  the  chief  mission- 
station,  and  sent  out  monks  and  priests  to  convert 
the  outlying  settlements.  There  were  as  yet  very 
few  churches  ;  crosses  were  set  up  in  the  villages,  and 
on  the  estates  of  Christian  nobles,  at  the  foot  of  which 
missionaries  preached,  said  mass,  and  baptised.     The 


Ch.  XII]  ECCLESIASTICAL  REVENUE  339 

only  officer  of  the  bishop  was  his  deacon,  who  acted 
as  his  secretary  and  companion  in  travel,  and 
occasionally  as  interpreter.  The  bishop's  house, 
however,  contained  a  number  of  clerks,  priests,  monks, 
and  nuns,  and  was  both  a  home  of  retreat  to  the 
weary  missionary  and  a  school  for  the  young.  These 
inmates  lived  by  a  sort  of  rule,  which  was  regarded 
as  monastic,  and  the  house  and  church  were  the 
monasterium,  or  minster.  Gifts  of  land  were,  at  this 
very  early  stage,  bestowed  both  on  the  bishop's 
minster  [or  principal  church]  and  on  others,  which, 
although  under  his  governance  spiritually,  were  less 
exclusively  his  own,  having  their  abbots  and  abbesses 
with  full  powers  of  economical  administration.  These 
houses  were  frequently  of  royal  foundation,  ruled  by 
persons  of  noble  blood  ;  some  of  them  contained  both 
male  and  female  votaries,  and  might  be  ruled  by 
persons  of  either  sex."  * 

"  The  maintenance  of  the  clergy  was  provided 
chiefly  by  the  offerings  of  the  people  ;  for  the 
obligation  of  tithe,  in  its  modern  sense,  was  not 
yet  recognised.  It  is  true  that  the  duty  of 
bestowing  on  God's  service  a  tenth  part  of  the 
goods    was    a     portion     of    the     common     law     of 

'  Stubbs,  vol.  i.,  p.  224. 


34°  LIGHTS  .AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Christianity,  and  as  such  was  impressed  by  the  priest 
on  his  parishioners.  But  it  was  not  possible  or 
desirable  to  enforce  it  by  spiritual  penalties,  nor  was 
the  actual  expenditure  determined,  except  by  custom, 
or  by  the  will  of  the  bishop,  who  usually  divided  it 
between  the  church,  the  clergy,  and  the  poor.  It  was 
thus  precarious  and  uncertain,  and  the  bestowal  of 
a  little  estate  on  the  church  of  the  township  was 
probably  the  most  usual  way  of  eking  out  what 
voluntary  gifts  supplied."  ^ 

*  Stubbs,  vol.  i.,  p.  227. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

SEPARATION  BETWEEN  EASTERN  AND 
WESTERN  CHRISTENDOM 

THE  fact  becomes  prominent  at  the  period  we 
have  reached,  and  the  steps  by  which  it  ar- 
rived at  its  completion  in  the  sixth  century  require 
our  attention. 

I.  A  precedence  on  the  part  of  the  Roman  Church 
far  short  of  what  it  afterwards  attained  may  be 
dimly  discerned  at  an  early  period.  It  has  been 
justly  remarked  in  a  recent  publication  :  "  Rome  had 
probably  a  larger  Jewish  population  than  any  other 
city  of  the  West,  and  here,  too,  a  Christian  Church 
was  formed,  if  not  by  an  Apostle,  at  least  in  the 
lifetime  of  many  Apostles.  It  was  inevitable  that 
the  Church  in  the  capital  of  the  world,  when  it 
came  to  be  an  important  body,  should  exercise  a 
dominant  authority  over  Churches  of  the  neigh- 
bouring cities.     Such  was  in  fact  the  case,  though  its 

341 


342   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

predominance  was  not  at  once  recognised."  ^  "  A 
dominant  authority,"  as  the  words  are  here  employed, 
appears  too  strong  a  term  for  expressing  the  fact, 
but  it  may  be  said  that,  from  the  foundation  of 
Christendom,  the  Church  in  the  metropolitan  city 
of  the  world  could  not  but  be  in  a  prominent  and 
influential  position.  So  long  as  the  Emperor  reigned 
West  and  East,  ruling  Italy  and  a  large  part  of  Europe, 
also,  by  degrees,  more  and  more  of  Asia  and  the 
north  of  Africa  ;  the  Church  in  the  imperial  city 
could  not  but  be  looked  up  to  as  a  mother,  though 
not  a  mistress.  While  one  Emperor  reigned  East 
and  West,  a  superior  position  would  be  occupied 
by  the  Christian  community  in  the  world's  capital ; 
when  there  came  to  be  two  Emperors,  one  West 
and  the  other  East,  that  would  produce  a  marked 
difference. 

2.  The  altered  political  condition  of  the  world, 
during  and  after  the  time  of  Constantine  in  par- 
ticular, especially  the  removal  of  an  Emperor  from 
Rome  to  Constantinople,  would  make  a  separation 
between  West  and  East,  such  as  would  tell  effectively 
on  the  ecclesiastical  position  of  communities  in  the 
two  empires.     "  Of  those  who  bore  a  title  of  Emperor, 


'  C/ni/ch  Hist. :  Early  Period,  by  Chcetham,  p.  109. 


Ch.  XIII]    EASTERN  AND  WESTERN  CHRISTENDOM    343 

one  ruled  in  Constantinople,  and,  more  and  more 
absorbed  in  the  cares  and  calamities  of  the  Eastern 
sovereignty,  became  gradually  estranged  from  the 
affairs  of  the  West.  Nor  was  it  till  the  time  of 
Justinian  that  any  attempt  was  made  to  revive  his 
imperial  pretensions  to  Rome.  The  Western  empire 
lingered  for  a  time  in  obscurity  among  the  marshes 
of  Ravenna,  till  at  length,  in  the  sixth  century  and 
afterwards,  the  faint  shadow  of  monarchy  established 
there  melted  away,  and  a  barbarian  assumed  the 
appellation  of  Sovereign  of  Italy.  Still,  of  the  bar- 
barian kings,  not  one  ventured  to  fix  himself  in  the 
ancient  capital,  or  to  inhabit  the  mouldering  palaces 
of  the  older  Csesars.  The  internal  government  of  the 
city  retained  something  of  the  old  republican  form, 
which  had  been  permitted  to  subsist  under  the 
Emperors,  and  it  was  counted  as  a  territory  o  the 
Holy  Empire."  ^ 

3.  Ecumenical  Councils  distinctly  told  on  a 
division  of  Christendom  into  East  and  West.  I  have 
sketched  sundry  details  touching  those  assemblies, 
and  we  cannot  fail  to  be  struck  with  the  absence 
there  of  Western  bishops.  Theological  discussions, 
equally  interesting,  one  might  have  thought,  to  both 

'  Milman's  Lati7i  Christianity,  vol.  i.,  p.  81. 


344  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

parties,  took  place,  and  were  keenly  contested  between 
opposite  divines ;  but  Western  representatives  are 
distinguished  by  absence,  as  Eastern  are  by  their 
presence.  Decisions  reached  on  these  occasions  were 
held  to  be  binding  East  and  West,  yet  the  West  had 
little  or  nothing  actively  to  do  with  the  conclusions 
reached  at  such  gatherings.  Orthodox  divines  in 
the  West  were  by  no  means  wanting  in  zeal  and 
energy  as  upholders  of  our  Lord's  true  and  proper 
Divinity.  They  wrote,  as  we  have  seen,  on  this  vital 
subject ;  it  is  only  the  large  absence  of  such  divines 
from  the  so-called  Ecumenical  Councils  that  I  am 
now  thinking  of,  as  illustrating  the  fact  of  marked 
distinction  between  what  we  may  call  the  two  old 
Christendoms.  The  heterodoxy  of  Arianism  appears 
much  more  prevalent  and  fierce  in  the  East  than 
in  the  Western  division.  Europe  was  not  free  from 
this  contagion,  but,  assuredly,  it  affected  Asia  to  a 
more  alarming  extent. 

4.  Bishops  of  Rome  and  Constantinople  gradually 
come  to  the  front  in  collision  with  each  other  on 
certain  points.  This  is  not  to  be  wondered  at ; 
they  were  now  rival  dignitaries,  and  would  naturally 
look  at  certain  questions  from  their  own  local  and 
personal  standpoints.  The  greatest  dignitary  of  the 
West,  tracing  his  ecclesiastical  descent  from  Clement 


Ch.XIlI]    EASTERN  AND  WESTERN  CHRISTENDOM    345 


of  Rome,  who  touched  upon  apostolic  times,  does 
not  surprise  us  in  his  assumption  of  superior 
dignity,  whatever  we  may  think  of  his  official 
pretensions  and  however  we  may  condemn  his 
ecclesiastical  ambition.  He  would  naturally  look 
back  to  the  early  history  of  his  see,  and  appreciate 
the  honour  conferred  on  his  Church  by  the  Epistle 
of  Paul  to  the  Romans.  Though  this  would  not 
justify  Rome's  ecclesiastical  assumptions,  it  makes 
us  less  surprised  at  them.  The  rivalry  between 
the  opposite  capitals  is  too  intricate  a  subject  and 
too  fertile  in  opposite  assumptions  to  be  discussed 
fully  in  a  volume  like  this. 

5.  But  1  may  mention  that  the  residence  of  the 
Emperor  being  removed  from  the  Western  capital, 
it  left  a  vacancy  in  the  latter  for  a  new  kind  of 
rule  ;  potent  in  its  spiritual  effect  as  the  old,  if  not 
more  so,  though  of  a  different  kind.  Gregory  the 
Great  recognised  Patriarchs  of  Alexandria  and 
Antioch  as  equals,  because  successors  to  St.  Peter 
and  sharers  in  the  one  chair  of  the  same  founder. 
He  rebuked  John  the  Faster,  Patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, for  assuming  the  title  of  "  Ecumenical 
Bishop."  He  said  such  an  assumption  was  proud, 
foolish,  and  an  imitation  of  Satan.  The  popedom, 
as  it  came  to  be  called,  was  a  form  of  sovereignty 


346   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

new  in  the  history  of  mankind,  and  the  shape 
which  it  ultimately  assumed  could  scarcely  be 
imagined  at  the  moment  under  review ;  but  indefinite 
scope  was  now  left  for  aspirations  such  as  had  never 
been  previously  awakened.  Might  not  a  new  sort 
of  sceptre  now  be  wielded  over  the  world,  tempting 
to  human  ambition,  while  it  promised  spiritual 
benefits  to  mankind  ?  What  thoughts,  what  desires, 
might  then  enter  the  mind  of  a  Leo,  and  afterwards 
the  mind  of  a  Gregory,  who  can  tell  ?  To  suppose 
the  aspirations  of  such  men  were  all  base,  or  all 
noble,  would  be  equally  unreasonable. 

6.  Then,  further,  imperial  authority,  in  much  of 
its  old  form,  being  shifted  from  West  to  East, 
at  the  same  time  the  Patriarchate  of  Constantinople 
was  opening  fresh  forms  of  aspiration  and  attain- 
ment. Asia  Minor,  Thrace,  Pontus,  to  mention  no 
other  country,  were  coming  under  a  new  Oriental 
sway  ;  and  at  the  Council  of  Chalcedon  all  that 
magnificent  dominion  was  within  ecclesiastical  reach 
of  the  new  chief  Eastern  prelate.  On  him  new 
powers  were  being  conferred,  and  though  represen- 
tatives of  Rome  were  present  at  Chalcedon,  they 
could  not  prevent  the  augmentation  of  Eastern 
influence.  No  doubt  proceedings  there  gave  a  lift 
from    witJiout   to    the   Patriarch    of  Constantinople, 


Ch.  XIII]    EASTERN  AND  WESTERN  CHRISTENDOM    347 

and  he  soon  extended  from  within  his  augmented 
authority,  by  doing  what  he  could  to  repress  the 
ambition  of  rival  prelates  at  Antioch  and  Alexandria. 
The  checking  of  these  Eastern  rivals  by  the  ambition 
of  their  favoured  brother,  who  now  reached  the 
Eastern  primacy,  served  to  strengthen  and  increase 
his  influence,  and  to  bring  him  more  on  a  level  with 
the  pontiff  in  Italy.  That  pontiff  was  to  him  an 
object  of  envy.  But  mark,  how  what  now  took 
place  really  operated  to  the  disadvantage  of  the 
Eastern  bishop.  It  provoked  the  jealousy  of 
Orientals  to  see  one  of  their  own  order  thus  lifted 
up  above  the  rest  ;  so  they  actually  repaired  to 
Rome,  and  sought  from  the  bishop  there  his  sym- 
pathy and  aid  under  this  new  emergency.  He  was 
only  too  glad  to  take  their  part,  and  to  condemn 
the  treatment  they  had  received  from  their  superior. 
Athanasius  had  fled  from  East  to  West  in  the  day 
of  his  adversity,  and  now  irritated  Easterns  were 
imitating  his  example. 

"  Very  soon  after  the  Council  of  Chalcedon,  Leo, 
Bishop  of  Rome,  appointed  a  resident  legate  to  Con- 
stantinople to  watch  over  Papal  interests,  and  to  com- 
municate with  the  Vatican  on  matters  of  importance. 

"  For  the  next  hundred  and  thirty  years  the  dis- 
putes   respecting    the    equality    of   the    two    sees,   as 


348   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

well  as  the  limits  of  their  jurisdiction,  were  carried 
on,  with  little  interruption  perhaps,  but  with  less 
violence.  But  in  588,  at  a  synod  called  at  Con- 
stantinople respecting  the  conduct  of  a  Patriarch 
of  Antioch,  John,  surnamed  the  Faster,  who  was 
then  Primate  of  the  East,  adopted  the  title  of 
Ecumenical,  or  Universal,  Bishop.  It  appears  that 
this  title  had  been  conferred  on  the  patriarchs  by 
the  Emperors  Leo  and  Justinian,  without  any  acces- 
sion of  power;  nor  was  it,  in  fact,  understood  to 
indicate  any  claim  to  supremacy  beyond  the  limits 
of  the  Eastern  Church.  But  Gregory  could  not 
brook  such  assumption  in  an  Eastern  prelate,  and 
used  every  endeavour  to  deprive  his  rival  of  the 
obnoxious  title,  and  at  the  same  time  to  establish 
his  own  superiority.  He  failed  in  both  these 
attempts — at  least  his  success  in  the  latter  was 
confined  to  the  Western  clergy,  and  to  the  interested 
and  precarious  assent  of  the  discontented  subjects 
of  the    Eastern  Church."  ^ 

7.  Mutual  rivalry  and  jealousy  helped  to  widen 
differences  between  Western  and  Eastern  capitals. 
A  Roman  bishop  had  jurisdiction  over  ten  suburban 
provinces,   and   his   was   the   only   Western    diocese 

'  Waddington's  History  of  the  Church,  p.  195. 


Ch.  xril]    EASTERN  AND  WESTERN  CHRISTENDOM    349 

that  could  put  in  a  plea  for  direct  apostolical  suc- 
cession. That  plea  arose  from  the  pretended 
episcopate  ascribed  to  Simon  Peter.  However  in- 
valid in  itself,  much  was  thought  of  such  a  pretension 
by  traditionalists  at  the  time.  The  position  of 
Roman  bishops  as  subjects  became  gradually  effaced 
by  their  growing  power  as  rulers.  Leo  I.  was  really 
founder  of  Rome's  subsequent  spiritual  power ;  and 
an  epistle  of  his,  addressed  to  the  Emperor  Flavius, 
claimed  a  right  to  settle  theological  disputes  both 
in  the  East  and  in  the  West.  So  early  began  the 
claim  of  ecumenical  sway  on  the  part  of  Western 
primates.  After  Leo  came  Gregory  the  Great,  at 
the  close  of  the  sixth  century.  He  may  be  counted 
chief  founder  of  the  popedom,  and  by  his  claim 
of  supreme  power  in  the  universal  Church  drove 
off  fellowship  on  the  part  of  Eastern  dignitaries. 
The   two   communions   became   totally  separated. 

This  separation  between  East  and  West  may  be 
regarded  as  confirmed  and  augmented  by  the  use 
of  distinct  languages.  The  Greek  tongue  was  pre- 
dominant in  the  East.  Leading  Greek  Fathers 
were  Easterns.  Origen,  and  Athanasius,  to  men- 
tion no  others,  had  left  behind  them  treasures  of 
their  thoughtfulness  in  the  tongue  of  Plato  and 
Aristotle  ;  and  theological  works  handed  down  from 


350   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

such  authors  were  favourite  subjects  of  study  on 
the  part  of  those  who  stood  forward  as  later  repre- 
sentatives and  teachers  of  Eastern  Christendom  ; 
while  TertuUian  and  Cyprian,  Ambrose  and  Augus- 
tine, were  guiding  lights  of  Western  divines. 
Difference  of  language  after  the  Nicene  age  became 
more  and  more  a  factor  in  the  distinction  between 
Eastern  and  Western  Christendom. 

Much  more  might  be  added  upon  the  subject  of 
this  chapter,  but  limited  space  forbids  our  pursuing 
it.  In  closing,  it  may  be  remarked  that,  on  the 
side  of  the  West,  the  larger  and  more  important 
influence  on  the  modern  world  of  such  men  as 
Augustine  and  Jerome,  not  to  mention  others,  is 
apparent  enough ;  that  missionary  labours  on  the 
part  of  Irish  monks,  in  their  own  country,  on  the 
Continent,  and  in  England,  take  the  lead  in  our 
existing  Church  literature  in  this  department ;  that  the 
influence  of  these  memorable  Western  believers  and 
teachers  on  posterity  as  factons — evangelical,  social, 
and  religious — amongst  a  large  class,  is,  at  the  present 
day,  very  considerable  ;  and  that  it  would  be  easy  to 
supply  a  chapter  on  this  peculiar  branch  of  history, 
full  of  animating  illustrations,^  cannot  be  doubted. 

'  See  Kurtz's  Chtirch  History,  vol.  i.,  pp.  254,  262,  308,  309. 


CHAPTER   XIV 
THE  BORDERLAND   OF  CHRISTENDOM 

LEGENDS  relative  to  the  introduction  of  the 
gospel  amongst  outside  heathen  would  natu- 
rally arise  in  Churches  planted  within  the  period  to 
which  this  history  belongs,  and  notices  of  them 
occur  in  the  literature  of  the  first  six  centuries. 
Indeed,  what  we  find  respecting  Christian  progress 
on  the  edge  and  outside  imperial  boundaries,  in 
works  written  by  early  authors  and  those  who 
immediately  followed,  consists  chiefly  of  traditions 
they  had  heard  from  the  lips  of  fathers  and  mothers, 
who  loved  to  repeat  what  they  had  listened  to  in 
their  own  childhood.  A  few  relics  may  be  introduced 
in  approaching  the  close  of  this  volume. 

In  an  early  chapter^  mention  is  made  of  the  way 
in  which  Iberians  became  acquainted  with  the  facts 

'  See  p.  102. 
351 


352   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

of  Christianity.  To  legends  related  in  that  part  of 
our  history  another  of  later  date  may  be  introduced, 
touching  the  same  or  a  kindred  branch  of  the  Gothic 
race.  Theodoret,  a  Christian  chronicler  of  the  fourth 
century,  informs  us  how  the  famous  John  Chrysostom 
took  a  deep  interest  in  the  welfare  of  numerous  races 
who  touched  on  a  region,  not  out  of  reach  by 
Christians  under  Constantine,  and  selected  some  of 
them  acquainted  with  the  Gothic  tongues.  After 
having  had  them  ordained  as  presbyters  and  deacons, 
such  persons  as  now  indicated  were  provided  with 
a  church  for  missionary  uses,  and  many  people 
on  the  borderland,  by  such  instrumentality,  were 
reclaimed  from  heathen  and  idolatrous  worship. 
Chrysostom  himself  visited  such  missionary  Churches, 
and  addressed  the  people  by  help  of  an  interpreter. 
He  exhorted  other  Christians  in  the  city  to  engage 
in  similar  efforts,  and  thus  deliver  their  neighbours 
from  errors  and  superstitions  in  which  they  had 
been  entangled.  It  would  seem  that  Arian  ideas 
had  laid  hold  of  such  people,  and  that  it  was  the 
endeavour  of  Constantinopolitan  Christians  to  bring 
them  back  to  the  enjoyment  of  primitive  Christianity.^ 
Mention  is  made  of  a  man   living  at  that  period 


1  Theodoret,  Eccl.  Hist.,  v.,  c.  30,  31. 


Ch.  XIV]    THE  BORDERLAND   OF  CHRISTENDOM  353 


named  Gainas,  ferocious,  proud,  and  tyrannical, 
of  Scythian  race,  who  had  under  him  military 
forces,  composed  of  Roman  infantry  and  cavalry. 
This  Scythian  and  his  soldiers  had  imbibed  Arian 
opinions,  and  they  requested  the  Emperor  to  set 
apart  a  building  in  which  he  and  his  soldiers  might 
worship  God  in  their  own  way.  Chrysostom  urged 
his  majesty  to  make  no  concession.  An  interview 
with  Gainas  followed  on  the  part  of  the  Bishop,  and 
this  seems  to  have  had  a  salutary  effect.  For  Gainas, 
we  are  told  by  the  historian,  heard  of  Chrysostom's 
approach,  and  remembering  his  ministerial  fidelity, 
travelled  a  long  way  to  meet  him  ;  and  when  he  saw 
the  Bishop,  this  soldier  placed  his  right  hand  on 
his  eyes,  and  drew  his  children  round  his  knees,  in 
token  of  reverence  and  affection.^ 

It  may  be  added,  from  later  history  as  to  the 
borderland  in  other  directions,  that  many  more  illus- 
trations may  be  gathered  in  the  way  of  lights  and 
shadows  than  we  have  space  for  in  this  volume. 

An  interesting  legend  of  conversions  in  India 
during  Constantine's  reign  has  been  preserved  by  the 
historian  Socrates."  Meropius,  a  Tyrian  philosopher, 
visited  the  East,  and  took  with  him  two  youths.     A 

'  Theodoret,  EccL  Hist.,  v.,  c.  32,  33.     -  Eccl.  Hist.,  i.,  c.  19. 

23 


354     LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM  [Part  1 

treaty  between  the  Romans  and  the  people  visited 
having  been  recently  broken  by  the  latter,  these 
travellers  in  India  found  themselves  in  imminent 
peril.  People  of  the  country  seized  the  strangers, 
and  killed  the  philosopher  who  brought  them.  The 
boys  were  sent  as  slaves  to  an  Indian  sovereign, 
and  he,  pleased  with  their  appearance,  made  one  his 
secretary  and  the  other  his  cup-bearer.  The  monarch 
died  soon  afterwards,  leaving  a  wife  and  an  infant 
son,  whereupon  the  queen  made  the  two  young 
men  tutors  of  her  child  ;  hence  there  sprang  up  an 
attachment  between  the  child  and  his  preceptors. 
The  strangers,  so  promoted,  became  persons  of  im- 
portance ;  and  Frumentius,  one  of  the  two,  being 
acquainted  with  Christians  in  the  neighbourhood, 
joined  the  latter  in  religious  worship,  and  having  built 
a  house  of  prayer,  instructed  the  Indians  in  gospel 
truths. 

When  the  royal  youth  attained  his  majority,  and 
felt  able  to  undertake  his  own  affairs,  Frumentius 
resigned  them  into  his  hands,  and  requested  per- 
mission to  return  to  his  native  country.  But  the 
king  and  his  mother  desired  the  continuance  of 
his  service,  and  entreated  him  to  remain  in  the 
country ;  he,  however,  as  well  as  his  brother,  was 
bent   on    departure.     The  brother  hastened   to   visit 


Ch.  XIV]    THE  BORDERLAND   OF  CHRISTENDOM  355 

his  parents,  while  Frumentius  went  to  Alexandria, 
where  Athanasius  had  just  been  raised  to  the  epis- 
copate. The  visitor  expressed  a  strong  desire  that 
efforts  should  be  made  for  the  conversion  of  India, 
and  he  begged  Athanasius  to  send  missionaries  there. 
The  Bishop  became  interested  in  the  youth,  and 
responded  to  his  desire  for  India's  evangelisation. 
Frumentius  entered  Holy  Orders,  and  having  been 
ordained  presbyter,  accepted  episcopal  office  in  India. 
We  are  told  that  the  new  bishop,  aided  by  Divine 
grace,  "  performed  various  miracles,  healing  diseases, 
both  soul  and  body,  of  many  amongst  the  people." 

The  Church  took  root  in  Persia  so  early  as  the 
fourth  century,  but  at  that  period  it  suffered  from 
persecution  on  the  part  of  fanatical  magians,  and 
also  through  wars  on  the  side  of  the  Empire.  In 
that  century.  Sapor  the  Great  carried  on  a  fierce 
contest  against  Christianity  during  thirty-five  years, 
when,  it  is  said,  sixteen  thousand  clergy,  monks,  and 
nuns  altogether  were  put  to  death.  The  number, 
no  doubt,  was  exaggerated.  At  length  persecution 
ceased,  and  toleration  followed.  The  destruction  of 
a  fire  temple  in  418  A.D.  by  a  professed  Christian 
brought  on  a  fresh  persecution  of  Christianity,  which 
was  carried  on  fiercely  during  thirty  years.  The 
generosity   of  a    Mesopotamian    bishop  redeemed   a 


3S6  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  11 

multitude  of  Persian  prisoners,  and  this  noble  act 
secured  for  a  time  a  better  feeling  on  the  part  of 
the  persecutors.  In  498  A.D.  the  Persian  Church 
initiating  a  policy  of  toleration,  the  country  continued 
in  peace  and  prosperity  for  many  years.  But  in  the 
middle  of  the  seventh  century  Christianity  was  crushed 
in  Persia  by  the  victories  of  Mohammedanism. 

Mohammed  made  his  appearance  and  accomplished 
his  mission  in  the  seventh  century.  Driven  from 
Mecca,  he  returned  to  conquer  it,  and  there  con- 
secrated an  old  heathen  kaaba  as  a  temple  for  his 
religion.  At  the  time  of  his  death  all  Arabia  had 
accepted  his  doctrine  and  engaged  in  his  form 
of  worship.  It  spread  far  and  wide,  and  became 
established  in  Persia ;  also  in  Egypt,  Syria,  and 
Spain.  It  restricted  worship  to  prayers,  fastings,  and 
ablutions,  and  rejected  such  teaching  as  Christianity 
enforced  on  the  great  truth  of  man's  redemption. 
Wherever  it  made  way  it  quenched  belief  in  the 
truths  of  Christianity.  But  it  did  good,  wherever  it 
took  effect,  by  sweeping  away  idolatry  :  thus  it  came 
into  contact  with  image  worship,  which  was  now 
becoming  prevalent,  particularly  in  some  parts  of 
Europe. 

The    inroads    it    made    upon     Christianity   in    the 
South  of  Europe  were  immense.     Spain  came  under 


Ch.  XIV]    THE  BORDERLAND   OF  CHRISTENDOM  357 

its  influence  to  an  almost  incredible  extent.  Not 
only  did  the  sword  win  victory  on  the  battle- 
field, but  we  are  told  youths  of  the  highest  rank 
entered  Moorish  schools,  and  enthusiastically  engaged 
in  the  study  of  the  Arabic  language  and  literature. 
Mutual  persecution  was  the  terrible  result  in  that 
magnificent  peninsula.  Mementoes  of  the  strife  still 
fascinate  the  traveller  through  that  region.  Moorish 
architecture  in  ruins,  and  Christian  cathedrals  in 
cherished  magnificence,  make  impressions  which  can 
never  be  forgotten  by  travellers  in  Spain. 

Mohammedanism  was  beginning  to  make  its  ap- 
pearance in  the  Eastern  Church,  but  not  to  the  same 
extent  of  architectural  destruction  as  in  the  West. 
There  the  position  assigned  in  churches  to  sculptured 
figures  and  other  material  mementoes  of  Christ  was 
beginning  to  transform  Christian  worship  into  some- 
thing which  resembled  what  was  seen  in  heathen 
temples.  Simple  pictures  of  Christ  and  the  saints 
were  the  nearest  approach  in  the  East  to  what 
was  becoming  common  in  the  West,  where  people 
might  be  seen  on  their  knees  praying  at  the  feet  of 
sculptured  figures. 

Looking  at  Christianity  as  it  appears  in  the  New 
Testament,  it  fills  us  with  astonishment  to  find  con- 
troversies in   the  fourth  and   fifth  centuries  such  as 


358  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM     [Part  II 


are  recorded  in  this  volume.  Shadows  are  seen 
crossing  the  lights  so  as  to  bewilder  students  who 
pursue  inquiries  respecting  clerical  orders  and  the 
observance  of  rites  and  ceremonies. 

At  the  time  now  noticed  a  contrast  comes  out 
between  the  absence  of  endeavours  for  the  conversion 
of  heathen  on  the  part  of  Eastern  Churches  and  the 
work  carried  on  by  Western  missionaries. 

In  a  preceding  chapter,  under  the  title  of  "  Monks 
and  Missions,"  some  account  has  been  given  of  what 
was  done  by  Columba  and  others.  What  they  did 
is  worthy  of  remembrance,  and  makes  a  bold  mark 
of  difference  between  them  and  those  on  the  Eastern 
border  of  Christendom.  Zeal  for  the  propagation 
of  the  gospel  shines  much  more  brightly  in  the 
West  than  in  the  East. 


N.B.~  On  conversion  in  Persia  (noticed  p.  355  of  this  volume), 
see  Socrates'  Ecd.  Hist.,  viii.,  c.  8. 


CHAPTER   XV 
THE  DIVINE  LA  WBOOK  OF  THE  CHURCH 

THE  Church's  main  foundation  rests  in  the 
teaching  of  Holy  Writ,  and  approaching  the 
close  of  this  imperfect  delineation  of  lights  and 
shadows  of  early  Christendom,  that  fact  comes  pro- 
minently within  notice.  Inspired  writings  were 
recognised  by  early  patristic  writers  as  a  Divine 
law,  to  which  they  were  bound  to  make  appeal,  not 
only  for  settling  controverted  questions,  but  as  the 
supreme  guide  of  thought  and  conduct. 

Eusebius  brings  before  us  the  Old  and  New 
Testament  as  the  Church's  lawbook.  There  had 
been,  as  noticed  already,  a  fearful  destruction  of 
Scriptures  under  the  Diocletian  persecution ;  next 
came  a  distinct  recognition  of  Divine  oracles  as 
the  Church's  guide.  A  letter  of  Constantine  to 
Eusebius,  and  the  course  adopted  by  Eusebius,  in 
reference  to  Holy  Writ,  here  claim  attention. 

3S9 


360   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

Constantine  wrote  to  Eusebius  saying  that  in  the 
city  which  bore  his  name,  Constantinople,  a  multitude 
of  people  had  attached  themselves  to  the  Church  ; 
that  this  influx  of  believers  was  on  the  increase, 
and  consequently,  not  only  were  more  churches 
needed,  but  copies  of  Holy  Writ,  as  well.  He 
directed  Eusebius  to  have  prepared  fifty  copies  of 
the  Divine  volume,  to  be  written  by  scribes  well 
instructed  in  penmanship.  He  said  orders  had  been 
issued  to  the  governors  of  provinces  to  furnish 
everything  needful  for  such  a  work  ;  and  with  this 
communication  authority  was  given  to  Eusebius  to 
employ  a  couple  of  royal  carriages  for  conveying  the 
books,  when  finished,  to  his  Majesty's  hands.  These 
copies  were  intended  for  churches  in  the  new  capital, 
and  were  "  to  be  executed  with  care  and  carried  out 
with  diligence."  All  showed  what  earnestness  the 
Emperor  threw  into  the  movement.  Eusebius  states, 
he  fulfilled  this  charge,  without  giving  particulars 
of  the  way  he  did  so.  It  may  be  inferred,  however, 
that  a  Greek  Bible  was  issued  for  public  use,  with 
books  of  the  Hebrew  Canon,  including  the  Apocrypha 
as  appendix.  The  catalogue  quoted  by  Eusebius 
differs  as  to  the  Book  of  Esther,  and  there  is  nothing 
to  show  what  place  he  assigned  to  it.  All  books  of 
the    New   Testament    now   received    were   added    in 


Ch.  XV]       THE  DIVINE  LAWBOOK  OF  THE  CHURCH    361 


the  list  sent,  with  the  exception  of  the  Apocalypse, 
which,  perhaps,  was  added  as  an  appendix,^ — the 
Constantinopolitan  Bible  including  New  Testament 
as  well  as  Old,  with  the  Epistles  of  Paul ;  and  the 
latter  not,  as  in  an  Alexandrian  list,  immediately 
next  to  the  Book  of  Acts. 

Eusebius,  in  his  Ecclesiastical  History,  supplies  a 
catalogue  of  New  Testament  contents."  First  he 
places  the  four  Gospels,  next  to  them  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles,  then  come  fourteen  Pauline  Epistles, 
and  next  the  First  Epistle  of  John  and  First  of  Peter; 
after  "  these  books,"  as  he  calls  them,  the  Apocalypse 
is  noticed,  with  an  intimation  that  he  intends  to  set 
forth  judgments  passed  on  this  portion  of  Holy  Writ. 
He,  in  due  course,  speaks  of  objections  made  to  the 
Apocalypse.  Some  thought  the  style  of  composition 
seemed  unlike  what  we  find  in  the  fourth  Gospel. 
Its  authority  appeared  questionable,  from  internal 
indications,  and  from  absence  of  external  evidence. 
Eusebius  felt  doubts  respecting  it.  He  speaks  of 
Paul's  Epistles,  without  noticing  the  Epistle  to  the 
Hebrews  ;  and  afterwards  cites  portions  of  it,  as  if 
it   was   written    by   Clement  of   Rome.     He  notices 


'  Eusebius,  Vifn  Cfmstaiitttie,  iv.,  36. 
-  Ecclesiastical  History,  iii.,  c.  24. 


362   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

seven  Catholic  Epistles,  so-called,  but  makes  no  use 
of  that  ascribed  to  Jude,  and  the  second  named  after 
Peter,  with  the  second  and  third  named  after  John. 
The  Apocalypse  is  rarely  quoted  by  Eusebius. 

I  should  attribute  importance  to  his  testimony  for 
two  reasons :  first,  that  he  was  a  more  skilled  and 
careful  literary  critic,  from  his  large  acquaintance 
with  historical  documents,  than  most  Fathers  were 
likely  to  be.  His  Ecclesiastical  History  shows  how 
extensive  must  have  been  his  studies  in  that 
direction.  The  second  reason  for  regarding  him  as 
a  superior  judge,  is  that  he  appears  to  have  been 
free  from  theological  and  ecclesiastical  partisanship, 
consequently  less  biassed  on  such  a  subject  as  that 
before  us. 

No  question  as  to  inspiration  and  authority  of 
Holy  Writ  came  under  discussion  at  Nicea,  but  a 
council  held  at  Laodicea  in  the  middle  of  the  fourth 
century  took  up  that  subject  carefully.  The  Laodicean 
council  was  a  small  gathering  from  the  neighbour- 
hood of  Lydia  and  Phrygia,  assembled  about  A.D.  363. 
The  members  laid  down,  as  law  for  Christian  wor- 
ship, that  psalms  composed  by  private  persons  were 
not  to  be  read  in  church,  nor  any  book  admitted 
but  canonical  ones.  A  list  of  such  was  added  ;  but 
this  list  is  considered  to  be  of  later  date,  and  to  carry 


Ch.XV]      THE  DIVINE  LAWBOOK  OF  THE  CHURCH      363 

with  it  little  or  no  authority.  Indeed,  the  proceedings 
of  so  small  an  assembly  were  of  little  importance,  and 
it  included  unorthodox  members. 

Councils  claiming  ecumenical  character  have  been 
noticed,  but  they  did  not  take  up  the  canonicity  of 
Scripture,  which  was  obviously  a  practical  matter 
requiring  attention  in  their  debates,  and  would  have 
afforded  employment  far  more  appropriate  and  profit- 
able than  some  questions  on  which  they  spent  their 
time. 

The  Apostolical  Constitutions,  forming  a  body  of 
early  ecclesiastical  laws,  to  which  no  specific  date 
can  be  attached,  contains  the  following  rule,  which 
may  be  referred  to  about  the  fifth  century  :  "  Let  the 
reader,"  it  is  said  (that  is,  of  the  assembly),  "  standing 
upon  some  elevated  place,  read  the  books  of  Moses, 
Joshua,  Judges,  Kings,  Chronicles,  and  those  of  the 
return  from  captivity  (Ezra  and  Nehemiah),  in  addi- 
tion to  Job,  Solomon,  and  the  sixteen  prophets. 
As;  readings  are  made  two  at  a  time,  let  another 
chant  David's  hymns,  and  the  people  chant  in  re- 
sponse the  close  of  each  verse.  After  this,  let  the 
Acts  of  the  Apostles  be  read,  and  the  Epistles  of 
Paul,  our  fellow-worker.  After  these  books,  let  the 
deacon  or  presbyter  read  the  Gospels,  which  we, 
Matthew  and  John  "  (so  runs  the  document),  "  gave 


364   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF   CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

to  you,  and  which  the  fellow-workers  of  Paul,  Luke 
and  Mark,  having  received,  left  to  you.  And  when- 
ever the  Gospel  is  being  read  let  presbyters  and 
deacons  and  all  the  people  stand  in  complete  silence, 
for  it  is  written,  '  Be  silent  and  hear,  O  Israel.' "  Un- 
less the  Book  of  Esther  be  omitted,  the  Canon  of 
the  Old  Testament  here  given  is  exactly  that  of  the 
Jews.  As  to  the  New  Testament,  Catholic  epistles 
are  probably  included  in  the  Acts. 

"In  the  works  of  Chrysostom,  a  synopsis  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testament  has  been  preserved  which 
is  probably  genuine,  and  certainly  a  Syrian  catalogue 
of  Chrysostom's  time.  In  this  the  contents  of  the 
Old  Testament  are  described  somewhat  indistinctly. 
The  enumeration  of  the  historical  books  contains 
only  those  of  the  Hebrew  Canon  (except  Esther, 
though  reference  is  made  to  the  Maccabean  war). 
Ecclesiasticus  (the  Wisdom  of  Sirach)  is  added  to 
the  moral  books,  and  the  Psalter  is  reckoned  among 
the  prophets.  In  the  synopsis  itself,  Esther,  Tobit, 
Judith,  Wisdom,  and  Ecclesiasticus  are  analysed 
without  any  note  as  to  their  character. 

"  The  order  in  which  books  of  the  New  Testament 
are  cited  is  remarkable :  the  fourteen  Epistles  of 
St.  Paul,  the  four  Gospels,  the  Acts,  and  three  of  the 
Catholic  Epistles — James,  i   Peter,  and  i  John.     The 


Ch.  XV]      THE  DIVINE  LAWBOOK  OF  THE  CHURCH     365 


quotations  in  Chrysostom's  voluminous  writings  con- 
firm the  same  canon.  He  never  uses  the  Apocalypse 
nor  the  four  Catholic  Epistles."  ^ 

From  these  public  documents,  as  they  may  be 
termed,  we  proceed  to  notice  what  can  be  gathered 
from  individual  Fathers  with  regard  to  their  use  of 
Scripture. 

We  have  seen  the  place  and  influence  of  Athanasius 
at  Nicea,  now  let  us  listen  to  what  he  says  of  canonical 
literature  in  his  thirty-ninth  Festal  Letter :  "  As  I  am 
about  to  speak  of  Divine  Scripture,  I  shall  use  for 
the  support  of  my  boldness  the  model  of  the 
Evangelist  Luke,  and  say  as  he  docs,  '  Forasmuch 
as  some  have  taken  in  hand  to  set  forth  in  order 
for  themselves  the  so-called  Apocrypha,  and  to  mix 
it  with  the  inspired  Scriptures,  which  we  most  surely 
believe,  even  as  they  delivered  it  to  our  fathers,  who, 
from  the  beginning,  were  eye-witnesses  and  ministers 
of  the  Word,  it  seemed  good  to  me  also,  having  been 
urged  by  true  brethren,  and  having  learnt  from  the 
first,  to  publish  the  books  which  are  admitted  in  the 
Canon,  and  have  been  delivered  to  us,  and  are  believed 
to  be  Divine,  that  if  any  one  has  been  deceived  he 
may   condemn    those   who   led   him    astray,  and   he 

'   The  Bible  in  the  Church,  p.  174. 


366   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOIVS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

who  has  remained,  pure  from  error,  may  rejoice  in 
being  again  reminded  of  the  truth.'  "  ^  Athanasius 
then  enumerates  the  Old  Testament  books  as 
twenty-two,  corresponding  with  our  recognised  list, 
but  including  as  well  the  Book  of  Baruch.  Then 
he  gives  the  four  Gospels,  the  Acts,  the  seven 
Catholic  Epistles,  the  fourteen  Epistles  of  Paul,  and 
the  Apocalypse  of  John.  These,  he  says,  are 
"  fountains  of  salvation,  so  that  he  who  thirsts  for 
salvation  may  satisfy  himself  with  these  oracles. 
Let  no  one  add  to  these,  nor  take  anything  from 
them."  Athanasius  mentions  "  Apocryphalas "  dis- 
tinct from  these  canonical  works. 

Gregory  Nazianzen  says  to  his  flock  at  Con- 
stantinople, "  That  you  may  not  be  cheated  by 
strange  books,  receive  this  my  approved  enumera- 
tion ; "  and  his  list  of  the  Hebrew  Canon  specified, 
includes  twelve  historical,  five  metrical,  and  five 
prophetical  books.  Esther  is  omitted,  and  Ruth 
is  counted  as  a  distinct  work.  In  the  New  Testa- 
ment Gregory  enumerates  four  Gospels,  the  Book 
of  Acts,  fourteen  Pauline  Epistles,  and  seven 
Catholic  ones.^ 


•  The  Bible  in  the  Church,  p.  159. 
2  Quoted  by  Westcott,  ibid.,  p.  166. 


Ch.  XV]      THE  DIVINE  LAWBOOK  OF  THE  CHURCH      3^7 


Cyril  of  Jerusalem  writes :  "  Learn  from  the 
Church  what  are  the  books  of  the  Old  Testament 
and  the  New  ;  and  I  pray  you  read  nothing  in 
the  Apocrypha.  Read  the  twenty-two  books,  but 
have  nothing  to  do  with  apocryphal  writings." ' 

Thus  Athanasius  and  Cyril  lay  down  the  canonical 
law  of  Scripture.  At  the  same  time  the  Alex- 
andrine authorities  make  use  of  the  Apocrypha. 

We  must  now  look  westward.  The  Roman 
Church  in  the  fourth  century  occupied  a  position 
of  much  power  and  influence.  It  craved  a  wide 
— a  world-wide  leadership,  and  had  really  more 
scope  for  influence  and  rule  after  the  imperial 
throne  had  been  shifted  from  the  banks  of  the 
Tiber  to  the  Sea  of  Marmora.  The  new  city  left 
behind  it  that  power  of  organisation  and  far-spread- 
ing rule  which  the  old  city  retained  and  exercised. 
Though  neither  Jerome  nor  Augustine  lived  in 
Rome  at  the  end  of  the  fourth  century,  they  were 
undoubtedly  factors  of  Latin  authority.  Jerome 
was  pre-eminently  so  as  translator  of  Holy  Writ 
into  Latin,  a  language  then  becoming,  more  and 
more,  a  vehicle  of  intercommunication  throughout 
Europe  and   the   civilised    world.      Wherever  Latin 

'  The  Bible  In  the  Church,  p.  i68. 


368   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


was  intelligible,  there,  within  reach  of  all  who  could 
read,  the  Vulgate  version  was  a  fact  of  immense  im- 
portance. But  Jerome's  inclusion  of  the  Apocrypha 
in  his  Bible  was  a  serious  drawback  on  its  value  ; 
he,  however,  explained  distinctly  that  apocryphal 
additions  to  Esther,  David,  and  Jeremiah  had  no 
place  in  the  Hebrew  Canon,  and,  consequently, 
were  not  to  be  used  as  part  of  Canonical  Scripture. 

Jerome  attested  the  canonicity  of  the  Apocalypse, 
saying :  "  In  the  Isle  of  Patmos,  where  he  was 
banished  by  the  Emperor  Domitian,  John,  one  of 
Christ's  disciples,  witnessed  the  Apocalypse,  con- 
taining infinite  mysteries  of  the  future."  ^  The 
Apocalypse,  in  some  cases,  was  not  read  publicly 
from  difficulties  in  the  interpretation.  Jerome  says, 
"  We  accept  the  Apocalypse,  by  no  means  following 
the  present  custom,  but  the  authority  of  ancient 
writers."  ^ 

Augustine's  attention  was  particularly  fixed  on 
the  canonicity  of  Scripture.  Before  his  conversion 
he  had  imbibed  Manichean  errors,  and  had,  like 
other  members  of  that  sect,  become  acquainted 
with  apocryphal  Gospels  and  Acts,  which,  of  course, 
he  repudiated  after  his  adoption  of  orthodox  Chris- 

'  Adv  Jovinlan^  i.,  26.  ^  Ep.  ad  Dard.,  129,  §  3. 


Ch.  XV]      THE  DIVINE  LAWBOOK  OF  THE  CHURCH     369 

tianity.  Subsequent  to  his  wonderful  change  he  took 
part  in  a  council  held  at  Hippo,  A.D.  393,  The 
decisions  of  that  council  are  lost  ;  its  statutes  were 
considered  and  revised  by  the  Council  of  Carthage 
in  397.  In  his  important  treatise  on  Christian 
Doctrine  he  takes  up  the  subject  of  canonicity,  and 
lays  down  the  principle  that  Christians  are  to 
follow  the  authority  of  as  many  Catholic  Churches 
as  possible.  "  He  will  be  the  wisest  student  of 
Scriptures,"  was  his  conclusion,  "  who  shall  have 
first  read  and  learnt  those  books  which  are  called 
canonical.  For  the  rest,  he  will  read  with  greater 
security,  when  furnished  with  faith  in  the  truth  ; 
as  there  is  danger  lest  they  preoccupy  a  mind  as 
yet  unstable,  and  instil  ideas  contrary  to  what  is 
sound  understanding  by  perilous  fictions  and 
fancies." '  Augustine's  object  was  to  mark  dis- 
tinctly those  books  which  had  ecclesiastical  au- 
thority. His  decision  in  this  respect  did  not 
essentially  differ  from  that  of  Jerome.  The  decree 
at  Carthage  in  A.D.  419  was  a  confirmation  and 
renewal  of  that  published  in  the  same  place  twelve 
months  before. 

I  may  here  add    a   word   on    the  subject   of  this 

'■  De  Doct.  Chr.,  ii.,  12,  13. 

24 


370   LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

chapter,  respecting  Hilary,  Bishop  of  Poictiers.  He 
flourished  in  the  latter  part  of  the  fourth  century, 
as  stated  already.  In  a  prologue  to  his  Com- 
mentary on  the  Book  of  Psalms  he  followed  Origen 
closely,  and  gave  a  free  rendering  of  the  Old 
Testament  list  of  authors.  He  reckoned  twenty- 
four  books  in  the  Old  Testament,  according  to  the 
number  of  Greek  letters,  by  the  addition  of  Tobit 
and  Judith — the  Roman  alphabet  of  twenty-three 
letters  being  comprised  between  the  Hebrew  and 
the  Greek — "  because,"  he  adds,  "  it  is  in  these 
three  letters  being  comprised  between  the  Hebrew 
and  the  Greek." 

The  recognition  of  Canonical  Scripture,  and  its 
gradual  acceptance  during  the  three  centuries  after 
the  Nicean  Council  included  within  this  volume, 
though  often  overlooked,  claims  a  distinct  and 
prominent  place  in  ecclesiastical  history.  It  set  up 
the  Divine  light  for  all  Christendom. 

At  the  Council  of  Carthage,  A.D.  397,  at  which 
Augustine  was  present,  a  decree  was  ratified  which 
determined  the  list  of  "  Canonical  Scriptures "  in 
accordance  with  his  opinion.  It  is  decreed  that 
nothing  except  the  Canonical  Scriptures  be  read 
in  the  Church  under  the  name  of  Divine  Scriptures. 
The   Canonical  Scriptures   are    Genesis,  five    books 


Ch.XV]      THE  DIVINE  LAWBOOK  OF  THE  CHURCH     371 

of  Solomon  (Proverbs,  Ecclesiastes,  Canticles,  Wis- 
dom, Ecclesiasticus),  Ezekiel,  Tobias,  Judith,  Esther, 
Esdras  (2),  Maccabees  (2) ;  of  the  New  Testament,  the 
four  Gospels,  Acts,  thirteen  Epistles  of  St.  Paul, 
the  Epistle  of  the  same  to  the  Hebrews,  Peter  (2), 
John  (3),  James,  Jude,  Apocalypse. 

Note. — Let  the  Transpontine  (Roman)  Church  be 
consulted  about  the  confirmation  of  that  Canon. 
Also  let  it  be  allowed  that  the  Passions  of  Martyrs 
be  read  on  the  celebration  of  their  anniversaries.^ 

'  Westcott,  Bible  in  the  Church,  p.  188. 


CHAPTER  XVI 
HOLY  CATHOLIC  COMMUNION 

THE  Rev.  F.  D.  Maurice  asks,  Is  there  a  Catholic 
Church  ?  and  proceeds  to  answer  the  question 
by  a  discussion  as  to  its  principles  and  constitution, 
its  doctrines  and  institutes.  To  confine  oneself  to 
this  aspect  of  the  title  is  to  overlook  the  personal 
element  altogether.  The  Church  has  its  laws  given 
in  Scripture  and  illustrated  in  history.  It  has  also 
an  aggregate  of  persons,  amongst  whom  are  found 
those  "  who  are  redeemed  from  amongst  men,"  ^ 
"called,  chosen,  and  faithful.""  It  is  not  merely  an 
Institute,  but  a  Company.  "  Church "  signifies  an 
aggregate  of  persons  as  well  as  a  system  of  doctrine 
and  a  collection  of  institutes. 

In   the   New   Testament   we    have    histories   and 
epistles,  and  in  the  Apocalypse  letters,  addressed  to 

'  Rev.  xiv.  4.  ^  Ibid.,  xvii.  14. 


Ch.  XVI]  HOLY  CATHOLIC   COMMUNION  373 


Ephesus,  reproving  the  Church  there  for  leaving  her 
first  love  ;  to  Pergamos,  for  holding  the  doctrines  of 
Balaam  and  the  Nicolaitanes  ;  to  Sardis,  because  it 
had  a  name  to  live  while  dead  ;  to  Laodicea,  because 
it  was  lukewarm,  neither  hot  nor  cold. 

Something  different  from  any  such  local  communi- 
ties is  indicated  by  St.  Paul :  "  There  is  one  body, 
and  one  spirit,  even  as  ye  are  called  in  one  hope 
of  your  calling  ;  one  Lord,  one  faith,  one  baptism, 
one  God  and  Father  of  all,  who  is  above  all,  and 
through  all,  and  in  you  all." 

Paul  says  Christ  "  gave  some,  apostles  ;  and  some, 
prophets  ;  and  some,  evangelists  ;  and  some,  pastors 
and  teachers  ;  for  the  perfecting  of  the  saints,  for  the 
work  of  the  ministry,  for  the  edifying  of  the  body  of 
Christ  :  till  we  all  come  in  the  unity  of  the  faith,  and 
of  the  knowledge  of  the  Son  of  God,  unto  a  perfect 
man,  unto  the  measure  of  the  stature  of  the  fulness 
of  Christ :  that  we  henceforth  be  no  more  children, 
tossed  to  and  fro,  and  carried  about  with  every  wind 
of  doctrine,  by  the  sleight  of  men,  and  cunning 
craftiness,  whereby  they  lie  in  wait  to  deceive  ;  but 
speaking  the  truth  in  love,  may  grow  up  into  Him 
in  all  things,  which  is  the  Head,  even  Christ  :  from 
whom  the  whole  body  fitly  joined  together  and  com- 
pacted by  that  which  every  joint  supplieth,  according 


374  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 

to  the  effectual  working  in  the  measure  of  every  part, 
maketh  increase  of  the  body  unto  the  edifying  of 
itself  in  love."  ^ 

The  Apostle  here  describes,  not  only  a  system  or 
order  of  things,  not  simply  an  institute  of  law  and 
government,  remaining  to  be  worked  out,  more  or  less 
imperfectly,  by  an  aggregate  of  persons,  but  a  com- 
munity of  souls,  knit  together  by  spiritual  sympathies, 
and  constituting  a  unity,  spread  over  the  earth, 
perpetuated  through  ages,  permanent  and  stable,  yet 
ever  growing  by  virtue  of  its  common  life  in  Christ. 
There  is  vital  coherence,  a  common  belief,  sympathy 
one  with  another — the  whole  making  increase,  love 
being  the  ligature  which  binds  the  parts  together. 

What  Paul  describes,  Hooker,  in  his  Ecclesias- 
tical Polity^  defines,  as  that  "  Church  of  Christ  which 
we  properly  term  His  body  mystical "  :  "  Only  our 
minds,  by  intellectual  conceit,  are  able  to  apprehend 
that  such  a  real  body  there  is  ;  a  body  collective, 
because  it  containeth  a  huge  multitude ;  a  body 
mystical,  because  the  mystery  of  their  conjunction  is 
removed  altogether  from  sense.  Whatsoever  we  read 
in  Scripture  concerning  the  endless  love  and  the 
saving    mercy    which    God    showeth    towards    His 

'  K|)Ii.  iv.  11-16. 


Ch.  XV  HOLY  CATHOLIC  COMMUNION  375 

Church,  the  only  proper  subject  thereof  is  this  Church. 
Concerning  this  flock  it  is  that  our  Lord  and  Saviour 
hath  promised,  '  I  give  unto  them  eternal  life,  and 
they  shall  never  perish,  neither  shall  any  pluck  them 
out  of  My  hands.'  They  who  are  of  this  society  have 
such  marks  and  notes  of  distinction  from  all  others  as 
are  not  objects  unto  our  sense,  only  unto  God,  who 
seeth  their  hearts,  and  understandeth  all  their  secret 
cogitations  ;  unto  Him  they  are  clear  and  manifest." 
The  distinction  between  the  one  Catholic  Church  and 
those  local  Churches  which  appear  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment is  recognised  by  Hooker  as  obvious.  "In 
St.  Paul's  time  the  integrity  of  Rome  was  famous, 
Corinth  many  ways  reproved ;  they  of  Galatia  much 
more  out  of  square  in  St.  John's  time,  Ephesus 
and  Smyrna  in  far  better  state  than  Thyatira  and 
Pergamus." ' 

It  is  difficult  to  fix  upon  a  right  word  to  express 
the  distinction  now  brought  out.  Hooker  uses  the 
word  "  mystical"  but  "  mystical "  comes  so  near  to 
mysterious  that  it  suggests  the  idea  of  what  is  un- 
intelligible. To  call  organised  Churches,  each  or 
altogether,  "  visible^'  and  to  denominate  actual  be- 
lievers,  which  organised   bodies   do  not   envelop,  as 

'  Hooker's  Ecclesiastical  Polity,  III.,  i.,  15. 


376  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS   OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  I 

"  invisible^'  would  imply  that  believers  might  really 
exist  without  giving  manifest  proofs  of  it — a  thing 
incredible.  Notwithstanding,  the  use  of  the  word 
"  invisible "  is  most  common  in  our  ecclesiastical 
phraseology.  Perhaps  it  is  best  to  employ  the  word 
"  spiritual,"  to  mark  off  "  the  Holy  Catholic  Church  " 
from  what  is  formal,  remembering  that  "  the  form 
of  godliness "  does  not  of  itself  exclude  "  the 
power." 

"  Having  the  form  of  godliness  and  denying  the 
power  thereof"  is  what  we  are  warned  against ;  and 
yet  this  implies  that,  under  the  form,  the  power  may, 
does,  and  ought  to  operate.  A  globe  of  glass 
envelops  the  burning  lamp,  and  at  the  same  time 
preserves  and  diffuses  the  illumination. 

The  history  of  the  first  six  centuries  should  be 
studied  in  the  light  of  the  seven  epistles,  at  the 
commencement  of  the  Apocalypse.  When  we  find 
in  St.  John's  days  such  an  account  of  inconsistency, 
false  doctrine,  unholy  practice,  all  dishonourable  to 
the  name  of  Christianity,  can  we  wonder  at  any- 
thing recorded  in  the  preceding  sketch  of  early 
Christendom  ?  For  within  the  Churches  described 
by  the  searcher  of  hearts  were  faithful  souls  who 
worked  for  Christ  and  endured  persecution  for  His 
sake  and  held    fast   His  name,  who   kept  the  word 


Ch.XVI]  HOLY  CATHOLIC  COMMUNION  37  7 

of  His  patience,  and  who,  notwithstanding  much 
inconsistency,  were  offered  refined  gold  and  white 
garments  by  Him  who  stood  outside  their  door 
knocking  for  entrance. 

There  was,  then,  in  the  first  century  a  C/mrck 
within  the  Churches,  on  which  rested  the  patient, 
loving  eyes  of  Him  who  died  upon  the  cross  for 
the  salvation  of  souls — a  Church  which,  amidst  an 
outward  fellowship,  including  unworthy  members, 
was  in  reality  united  to  the  spiritual  communion 
described  by  the  Apostle  Paul  in  his  Ephesian  letter. 
And  as  in  the  first  century,  so  in  the  second  and 
third,  there  was  a  Church  within  the  Churches, 
composed  of  a  multitude  which  no  man  can  number, 
redeemed  out  of  many  nations,  tribes,  peoples,  and 
tongues.  In  the  midst  of  heathen  pollution  they 
did  not  defile  their  garments,  but  walked  with 
Christ  the  Lord,  in  white,  for  He  counted  them 
worthy.  They  passed  through  persecution,  but  as 
there  were  pauses  in  the  beating  storm,  and  the 
sun  broke  out  after  the  rain,  then  the  faithful  had 
peace  and  rest ;  being  edified,  and  walking  in  the 
fear  of  the  Lord,  and  in  the  comfort  of  the  Holy 
Ghost,  they  were  multiplied.  In  tempestuous  seasons 
they  were  afflicted  and  tormented  ;  they  wandered  in 
deserts,  and    in    mountains,  and   in  dens  and  caves 


37S  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

of  the  earth/  yet  they  had  continued  communion 
with  Christ,  and  among  themselves.  "  Then  they 
that  feared  the  Lord  spake  often  one  to  another  : 
and  the  Lord  hearkened,  and  heard  it,  and  a  book 
of  remembrance  was  written  before  Him  for  them 
that  feared  the  Lord,  and  that  thought  upon  His 
Name.  And  they  shall  be  Mine,  saith  the  Lord 
of  hosts,  in  that  day  when  I  make  up  My  jewels  ; 
and  I  will  spare  them,  as  a  man  spareth  his  own 
son  that  serveth  him."  ^ 

Thus  under  varied  circumstances  the  spiritual 
Church  preserved  its  identity,  and  retained  its  power, 
and  exerted  its  influence.  Each  member  was  a 
light  shining  in  a  dark  place,  until  a  better  day, 
as  regarded  liberty  and  scope  of  action,  dawned 
upon  them  ;  a  day,  however,  which  brought  with 
it  new  temptations,  for  whilst  it  favoured  the  form 
of  godliness,  it  saw  so  many  who,  by  their  real 
character  and  actual  life,  denied  the  power. 

In  looking  at  the  shadows  which  dimmed  and 
the  lights  that  glorified  early  Christendom,  we  may 
distinguish  between  shadows  from  without  and  those 
which  arose  from  ivithin.  The  spiritual  Catholic 
Church  cannot  be  made  responsible  for  early  heresies. 

>  Heb.  xi.  38.  2  Mai.  iii.  16,  17. 


Ch.XVIj  HOLY  CATHOLIC  COMMUNION  379 


Gnostics,  Ebionites,  Judaising  teachers,  were  really 
outside  the  border;  and  they  in  their  assaults  were 
vigorously  repelled  by  many  who  were  within. 
Heresies  injured  the  harvest  of  good  seed  sown  by 
Christian  hands ;  but  some  of  the  tares  did  not 
long  continue  to  grow  to  any  great  extent  amidst 
fields  tilled  by  faithful  hands.  Gnosticism  and 
Ebionitism  were  shortlived.  Evils,  however,  did  arise 
in  orthodox  Christendom  :  innovations,  rivalries,  lax 
and  misguided  discipline,  perversions  of  Divine 
rites,  worldliness,  with  manifold  inconsistencies  of 
conduct. 

When  we  turn  to  the  lights  in  contrast  with  the 
shadows,  we  have  on  record  the  lives  and  writings 
of  such  men  as  Clement  of  Rome  and  his  namesake 
of  Alexandria,  Ignatius  the  Martyr,  Iren£eus  the 
Advocate,  the  learned  expositor  Origen,  and  the 
indefatigable  Cyprian,  who  sealed  the  truth  with 
his  blood.  We  have,  moreover,  a  consistent  body 
of  truth  maintained  in  the  Apostolic  Creed,  and  in 
the  writings  of  individual  Fathers,  who  stimulate  us 
by  their  examples,  whilst  they  instruct  us  by  their 
works.  Social  worship  is  illustrated  by  ante-Nicene 
sermons,  prayers,  and  hymns.  Reaching  the  age  of 
Constantine,  we  have  the  Nicene  Creed,  and  a  goodly 
array  of  Nicene  names— the  Gregorys,  Chrysostom, 


380  LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM   [Part  II 

Augustine,  Basil,  and  many  more.  Later  come  the 
missionary  labours  of  Augustine,  who  planted  the 
Church  of  England  in  the  then  remote  Western 
world,  and  of  others  who  propagated  the  gospel 
round  the  Mediterranean  shores,  and  far  away  in 
Eastern  climes.  When  we  look  upon  these  lights 
amidst  surrounding  darkness,  can  we  doubt  the 
existence  of  a  Holy  Catholic  Church  in  the  midst 
of  a  sinful  world? 


CHAPTER   XVII 

ON  THE  EDGE   OF  THE  DARK  A  GES 

A  NUMBER  of  lights  and  shadows  have  passed 
before  us  in  this  second  part  of  our  imperfect 
history,  and  now  a  few  instances  of  men  less  known, 
but  characteristic  of  the  period  when  they  lived, 
may  be  appropriately  noticed. 

I  begin  with  Servian,  a  man  by  no  means  of 
good  report,  whom  we  meet  with  in  the  days  of 
Chrysostom.  The  latter  had  left  him  as  Bishop  of 
Gabala,  in  Syria,  where  he  became  celebrated,  but 
is  said  to  have  behaved  ungratefully  to  his  patron. 
Chrysostom  forbade  his  preaching  in  Constantinople, 
and  Servian,  in  consequence,  left  the  city,  till  he  was 
recalled  by  the  Empress,  who  managed  some  kind 
of  reconciliation  between  the  two.  Resentment 
lingered  in  the  breast  of  Servian,  who  influenced 
those  around  him  and  organised  a  strong  and  trouble- 
some   party    against   the    popular   preacher.      They 

381 


382    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


managed  to  rake  up  something  against  him  in  his 
earlier  days  at  Antioch  ;  and  this  contemptible  feud 
shows  how  much  folks  in  those  days  were  like 
our  own.  This  Servian  turns  up  again  at  Con- 
stantinople, where  he  ventured  to  preach  against  the 
Bishop,  and  was  driven  out  of  the  city  by  friends  of 
the  latter. 

A  curious  case — in  its  relation  to  our  own  times 
— occurs  in  connection  with  the  name  of  Eligius, 
who  was  created  Bishop  of  Noyon  in  A.D.  640.  Dr. 
Robertson,  in  his  Life  of  Charles  V.,^  mentioned  him 
as  an  example  of  mediaeval  preachers,  who  told  their 
hearers  "  they  satisfied  every  obligation  of  duty  by 
a  scrupulous  observance  of  external  ceremonies."  It 
has  been  shown  by  Dr.  Maitland  ^  that  this  state- 
ment is  untrue,  and  that  a  sermon  by  Eligius  is 
found  in  his  works  which  really  seems  as  if  it  had 
been  written  in  anticipation  of  what  Robertson  has 
ventured  to  assert.  This  case  illustrates  ignorance 
and  carelessness  amongst  historians  a  century  ago 
in  relation  to  the  dark  ages.  A  namesake  of 
Robertson  in  our  own  time  shows  how  noted  Eligius 
was  for  his   piety  and    faithful    preaching.     He  was 


•  Charles  V.,  by  Robertson,  ii.,  p.  29, 
2  The  Dark  Ages,  pp.  103  et  seq. 


Ch.  XVII]        ON  THE  EDGE  OF  THE  DARK  AGES  383 

a  goldsmith,  and  devoted  his  wealth  to  religious  and 
charitable  purposes,  so  that  poor  people  used  to 
flock  round  his  doorway  for  relief,  and  while  working 
at  his  craft  kept  the  Scriptures  within  reach  for 
frequent  perusal.^ 

Taking  a  general  view  of  the  clergy  at  the  opening 
of  the  middle  ages,  it  must  be  remembered  they 
were  under  obligation  to  remain  unmarried.  "  The 
general  aim  of  the  canons,  enacted  during  this  time, 
was  to  prevent  clerical  wedlock,  altogether  if  pos- 
sible, to  extend  the  prohibition  to  inferior  grades 
of  the  ministry,  to  debar  the  married  from  higher 
promotion."  The  result  was  that  the  enforcement 
remained  impracticable  ;  amongst  men  in  holy  orders, 
gross  immorality  followed  as  a  natural  consequence. 
The  clergy  were  prohibited  from  having  women  in 
their  houses  except  they  were  near  relatives ;  and 
the  issue  of  forbidden  marriages  were  declared  by 
law  incapable  of  inheriting  property. 

At  the  same  time,  and  partly  as  a  necessary  result, 
wealth  went  on  increasing  in  the  Church,  Sin  was 
supposed  to  be  expiated  by  the  bestowment  of 
money,  and  at  the  same  time  priests  were  exempted 
from  the  authority  of  lay  tribunals.     Bishops  were 

'  Robertson's  Church  History,  iii.,  p.  35. 


384    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Pa,t  II 

not  required  to  give  evidence  in  court.  But  their 
authority  went  on  increasing  in  many  respects.  They 
engaged  in  secular  business,  and  were  eligible  for 
state  offices.  All  clerical  patronage  was  in  episcopal 
hands ;  but  builders  of  churches  had  rights  of 
presentation. 

In  new  Western  kingdoms  clerical  orders  became 
of  great  importance  ;  where  new  kingdoms  arose 
as  an  effect  of  conquest,  clergy  became  mediators 
between  vanquished  and  victorious.  They  also  had 
great  influence  in  the  framing  of  laws.  Their  ex- 
clusive possession  of  learning  gave  them  power  and 
influence  such  as  in  our  day  can  scarcely  be  con- 
ceived. They  had  no  doubt  an  immense  amount  of 
power  for  doing  good,  and  it  is  but  a  righteous 
amount  of  charity  to  believe  that  in  a  multitude  of 
cases  they  did  what  was  in  their  power.  When  we 
think  of  wild  barbaric  hordes  conquered  by  military 
force  and  brought  into  service  for  civilised  life,  we 
see  what  openings,  to  an  immeasurable  extent,  thereby 
arose  for  usefulness  on  the  part  of  clerical  orders  in 
acts  of  civilisation.  Their  religion  taught  them  kind- 
liness and  charity,  and  we  cannot  justly  doubt  that 
many  of  the  beneficed  orders  were  instruments  in 
building  up  institutions  for  national  well-being,  and 
in  promoting  the  amenities  of  private  life. 


Ch.  XVII]        ON  THE  EDGE  OF  THE  DARK  AGES  385 

At  the  point  we  reach  in  the  present  chapter  the 
historian  finds  himself  on  the  edge  of  a  period  very 
different,  on  the  whole,  from  that  now  left  behind. 
Many  things  doubtless  remain  as  before,  but  many 
old  fashions  are  either  left  or  greatly  altered  ;  new 
objects  appear  on  the  foreground.  Hermits  in  their 
ancient  modes  of  life  diminish  in  number.  We  see 
no  longer  numerous  recluses  living  apart  from  other 
people  on  the  banks  of  the  Nile  and  under  the  sun- 
shine of  an  Oriental  sky.  Here  and  there  hermitages 
are  met  with,  few  and  far  between.  In  Provence 
and  Languedoc,  it  seems,  there  existed  the  strange 
practice  of  burying  alive,  in  a  solitary  cell,  some 
pitiable  creature ;  the  door  walled  or  nailed  up, 
with  the  seal  of  a  bishop's  ring  upon  it.  Immediate 
starvation  did  not  follow,  as  the  poor  incarcerated 
victim  was  allowed  a  daily  provision,  let  down  in 
a  basket.^ 

But  as  hermitages  became  few,  monasteries  multi- 
plied. The  institutes  of  Bernard  of  Nursia  became 
numerous,  and  preserved  from  otherwise  inevitable 
destruction  the  learning  and  wisdom  of  an  old  world. 
All  over  Italy,  France,  Germany,  and  Europe  libraries 


1  Smith's    Dktiotiafy    of    Christian    Antiquities,    article    on 
Hermits." 

25 


386    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  II 


were  collected  and  preserved  by  monks,  affording 
welcome  to  weary  travellers  and  help  to  diligent 
students.  Much,  and  more  than  we  can  calculate, 
passed  away  with  the  old-world  learning,  but  abun- 
dant intellectual  wealth  was  preserved,  which  is  ours 
and  our  children's  after  us. 

Missions  to  the  German  nations  were  chiefly 
carried  on  by  monks.  "  They  planted  colonies  in 
lonely  places,  where  towns  soon  grew  up,  as  at 
Fulda,  St.  Gall,  Eichstadt,  and  Fritzlar,  and  with 
the  knowledge  of  religion  they  spread  that  of 
agriculture  and  civilisation  among  the  people. 
Through  the  employment  of  monks  in  mis- 
sionary labour,  ordination  was  largely  introduced 
to  their  ranks,  as  a  necessary  qualification  for 
religious  duties. 

"In  some  cases,  sees  were  filled  up  with  monks 
from  flourishing  abbeys  —  an  arrangement  most 
natural,  because  learning  was  chiefly  cultivated 
in  monastic  societies.  Thus  Strasburg  received 
its  bishops  from  Munster,  in  Alsace  ;  Spires 
from  Wissenburg ;  Constance  from  Reichenau  or 
from  St.  Gall.  The  reputation  of  sanctity  con- 
tinued to  wait  on  monkish  orders.  The  term 
religious,  which  had  been  specially  applied  to  the 
monastic    profession    by    a    council    at    Orleans    as 


Ch.  XVllj        ON  THE  EDGE  OF  THE  DARK  AGES  387 

early  as  A.D.  549,  became  more  and  more  re- 
stricted to  it."  ^ 

The  dark  ages  decidedly  set  in,  with  augmenting 
gloom,  during  the  seventh  century.  Then  papal 
authority,  under  Gregory  the  Great,  reached  a  point 
it  had  never  done  before.  It  lost  nothing  under 
his  immediate  successors  ;  on  the  contrary,  Roman 
Catholicism  advanced.  But  the  Lombard  kingdom 
did  not,  at  that  period,  maintain  cordial  relations 
with  it.  Spanish  bishops  influenced  the  choice  of 
Spanish  kings — the  most  eminent  of  the  former  at 
that  period  being  the  famous  Isidore  of  Seville. 
Ildefonso,  Bishop  of  Toledo,  burned  with  zeal  for 
maintaining  the  perpetual  virginity  of  our  Lord's 
mother.  France,  plunged  into  troubles  of  its  own, 
could  do  but  little  in  the  Church's  service.  But 
in  the  seventh  century  saints  appear  conspicuous 
amongst  French  sovereigns.  The  Irish  Church  saw 
palmy  days,  and  Roman  religious  customs  prevailed 
in  Britain.  Amongst  our  forefathers,  Bede  and 
Csedmon  were  burning  and  shining  lights. 

During  the  whole  of  this  period,  image-worship 
in  the  West,  and  reverence  for  pictures  in  the  East, 
went  on  increasing,  till  idolatry  spread  far  and  wide 

'  Robertson's  Ecclesiastical  History,  iii.,  pp.  215,  216. 


388    LIGHTS  AND  SHADOWS  OF  CHRISTENDOM    [Part  11 

all  over  Europe.  The  sunset  of  early  Christendom 
was  followed  by  a  wintry-night  sky,  in  which,  through 
the  mercy  of  Him  who  rules  day  and  night,  star 
after  star  appeared,  until  the  morning  of  the  Reforma- 
tion dawned,  and  the  dense  mediaeval  gloom  rolled 
gradually  away. 


I  NDEX 


Adamnan,  320. 

Aetius,  138. 

Agape,  78. 

Alexander,  Bishop  of  Alex- 
andria, 136. 

Amalaric,  309. 

Ambrose,  34,  146,  153;  on 
Virgin,  166  ;  made  Bishop, 
232 ;  in  connection  with 
Theodosius  I.,  234,  236 ; 
his  death,  237  ;  an  ascetic, 
260  ;  his  chants.  285. 

Ammianus  Marcellinus,  135. 

Anathema,  177. 

Andronicus  of  Lybia,  220. 

Anicetus,  57. 

Anobius,  93. 

Antoninus  Pius,  112. 

Antony,  83,  84,  312. 

Apocryphal  Gospels,  18,  360, 
368. 

Apollinaris,  58. 

Apostles'  Creed,  141, 

Apostles,  Prophets,  and  Evan- 
gelists, 27. 

Appion,  17. 

Arethusa,  185. 

Arianism,  132,  142,  144,  148, 
189,  261,  352. 


Aristotle,  51,  65. 

Arius,  133,  136,  138. 

Arnobius,  124. 

Arnold,  Dr  ,  91,  99. 

Artemas,  89. 

Asceticism,  83,  312. 

Asclepediorus,  86. 

Athanasius  on  Antony,  83  ;  at 
Alexandria,  133  ;  at  Nicea, 
136;  on  Divinity  of  our 
Lord,  142 ;  accused  of 
murder,  144;  exile,  149; 
made  Bishop,  211;  his 
letters,  213,  365  ;  visit  to 
Rome,  313. 

Atonement,  doctrine  of  the,  274. 

Augustine  on  the  Virgin,  166  ; 
his  doctrine,  193  ;  became 
Bishop,  221  ;  as  preacher, 
222  ;  his  death,  225,  330  ; 
his  description  of  Ambrose, 
232  ;  his  conversion,  262  ; 
creed,  264,  271  ;  in  con- 
troversy, 268 ;  quoted  by 
Tyndale,  270  ;  on  justifica- 
tion, 275  ;  City  of  God, 
277  ;  decrees.  Canonical 
Scriptures,  370. 
Aurelian,  113. 


389 


390 


INDEX 


Baptism,  39,  41,  161. 

Clement  of  Rome,  1 1  ;  RecogJii- 

Barnabas,  Epistle  of,  10 

tions   and    Homilies,    15 ; 

Basil,  163,  201,  260. 

Epistle  of,  36,  72  ;  on  the 

Basilicas,  281. 

Apostles,  112,  379. 

Benedict  of  Nursia,  322-324. 

Clementinus,  il,  15. 

Bernard  of  Nursia,  385. 

Clerical  orders,  384. 

Bingham,  34. 

Clonard,  St.,  319. 

Blandina,  121,  122. 

Clotaire,  304. 

Boethius,  297. 

Clotilda,  300,  309. 

Brahmanism,  i. 

Clovis,  300. 

Buddhism,  i. 

Codex  Argenteus,  293. 

Butler's  A7ialogy,  66,  67. 

Coliseum  at  Rome,  117. 

Columba,  319,  358. 

Canon  of  Scripture,  21,  366. 

Consecration  of  Bishops,  67. 

Caractacus,  325. 

Constans,  148. 

Cassiodorus,  298. 

Constantia,  132. 

Catacombs,  126;   of  Callistus, 

Constantine,     reign     of,      84 ; 

252  ;  of  St.  Ponziano,  256  ; 

gospel  under,   100 ;     built 

of  St.  Agnese,  257. 

churches,  130;  on  idolatry, 

Celsus,  45,  65,  66. 

130;    laws   enacted,    131; 

Chilperic,  306. 

baptised,   132,  145;  open- 

Christmas, 287. 

ing  of  council,    136;  ban- 

Chrysostom, 1 56 ;  elected  Arch- 

quet, 139;  edict  of  tolera- 

bishop 191  ;  a  child,  185  ; 

tion,    140 ;   Nicene  Creed, 

his     doctrine,      193  ;      his 

144;    death,   145;  Church 

preaching,    194,   222  ;    his 

and  State  under,  147  ;  his 

letters,  196  ;  last  days,  198  ; 

sons,    148  ;  faith  of,    151  ; 

visiting     Churches,     352  ; 

portrait,    156;  his  mother. 

his    works,    364 ;    forbids 

156,    182;    churches  built 

Servian  preaching,  381. 

by,  332  ;  letter  to  Eusebius, 

Church  of  the  Holy  Sepulchre, 

360. 

182. 

Constantine  II.,  148. 

Claudia,  103. 

Constantius,  148. 

Clement  of  Alexandria,  10;  the 

Cornelius,    Bishop    of    Rome, 

Didache,    29;    his    hj^mn. 

lOI. 

34 ;    on    Baptism,    40 ;    on 

Corpus  Inscriptorium,  115. 

Christianity,      58 ;     perse- 

Councils, 33  ;  Carthaginian,  34; 

cuted,      59  ;     Alexandrian 

at  Aries,  95,  130,  298,  326; 

school,  68. 

at  Nicea,  133,  135,  362;  at 

INDEX 


391 


Ancyra,  Rimini,  and  Seleu- 
cia,  149;  canons  of,  157; 
at  Constantinople,  163, 
176;  at  Ephesus,  163,  167, 
286;  at  Chalcedon,  172, 
346 ;  at  Orange,  270 ;  of 
Laodicea,  282,  362. 

Creeds,  Nicene,  141  ;  Apostles', 
141  ;  Athanasian,  327. 

Cyprian,  35;  on  baptism,  40; 
his  writings,  46  ;  his  home, 
78;  on  Church  government, 
80;  his  death,  82,  123; 
assembled  a  council,  95. 

Damaris,  69. 
Damasus,  240,  253. 
Decius,  106,  113,  117. 
Demetrius  of  Alexandria,  62. 
Didache,  29. 
Didymus,  211. 

Diocletian,     no;    edict,     114; 
persecution,  140,  159,  359. 
Diognetus,  12. 
Dionysius,  58,  69,  184. 
Discipline,  ecclesiastical,  45. 
Donatists,  95,  131,  161. 

Easter,  130,  161,  286,  321. 
Eastern  Christendom,  350. 
Eastern  theology,  259. 
Ebionism,  30,  46,  379. 
Ebrard,  28. 

Edict  of  toleration,  130. 
Eleutherus,  57. 
Ephrem  the  Syrian,  208. 
Epicureans,  104,  105. 
Epiphanius,  165,  295,  314. 
Epistles,    Barnabas,    10;    Cle- 
ment,    1 1  ;    Pauline,    26  ; 


Ephesus,  27  ;  Corinth,  27  ; 
Titus,  29  ;  Corinthians,  46, 
72  ;  Romans,  47,  72. 

Ermenegild,  310. 

Ethelbert,  327,  330. 

Euripides,  65. 

Eusebius,  70,  86;  on  Churches, 
97  ;  on  Aurelian's  reign, 
113  ;  on  Polycarp,  118  ; 
on  Justin  Martyr,  120;  on 
Constantine,  129,  139;  on 
New  Testament,  361. 

Evagrius,  187. 

Fabricius,  146. 
Fasting,  161. 
Faustinus,  16. 
Faustus,  16. 
Felix  III.,  244. 
Flavins,  349. 
Fortunatus,  305, 
Frumentius,  354. 

Gainas,  353. 

Gall,  St.,  322. 

Gallienus,  113. 

Geoffrey  of  Monmouth,  105. 

Gibbon  on  Priscillianists,  153  ; 
on  Athanasius,  212  ;  on 
Synesius,  216  ;  on  Hilary, 
227  ;  on  preaching,  332. 

Gnosticism,  46,  54,  58,  75,  379. 

Gospel,  of  Mary's  Nativity,  18  ; 
Thomas,  18  ;  Nicodemus, 
18  ;  doctrines  of,  25. 

Gregory  the  Great,  247 ;  his 
theological  opinions,  248  ; 
his  letters,  250;  his  death, 
252  ;  founder  of  Popedom, 
349- 


392 


INDEX 


Gregory  Nazianzen,  159;  on 
councils,  162 ;  invited  to 
Constantinople,  188  ;  at 
Athens,  201  ;  his  verses, 
284 ;  on  Hebrew  Canon, 
366. 

Gregory  Thaumaturgus,  53, 
100. 

Gregory  of  Tours,  123. 

Grote,  19. 

Hadrian,  112. 
Hampden,  Dr.,  266. 
Hegesippus,  58. 
Hengstenberg,  28. 
Henry  VIII.,  105. 
Herbert  (George),  83. 
Heresies,  treatise  on,  53. 
Hermas,  Shepherd  of,  14. 
Hilary  of  Aries,  228,  285,  317. 
Hilary  of  Poictiers,  226,  370. 
Homer,  73. 
Homilies,  15,  17,  67. 
Honoratus,  317. 
Hooker,  170,  374. 
Hosius  a  Spaniard,  137. 
Hypatia,  215. 

Ignatius,  Bishop  of  Antioch, 
12  ;  letters  of,  30  ;  on  the 
Eucharist,  43 ;  Christi- 
anity at  Antioch,  94 ; 
Epistles  of,  115;  martyr- 
dom, 117. 

Incarnation,  174. 

Inspiration  of  Gospels,  5. 

Irenaeus,  2,  30 ;  on  baptism, 
41  ;  his  treatise  on  Here- 
sies, 53  ;  his  doctrine,  57  ; 


on   truths   of  gospel,  93  ; 
writings  of,  379. 

Jerome,  3;  meaning  of  "angel," 
28;  on  Origen,  61;  his 
Epistles,  146 ;  on  luxury, 
159;  on  Hilary,  227; 
on  Pelagianism,  269;  a 
scholar,  313 ;  his  char- 
acter, 316. 

Jerusalem,  fall  of,  6. 

John  the  Faster,  248,  345,  348. 

Jovian,  151. 

Jules  Simon,  52. 

Julian,  137,  149,  150. 

Justin  Martyr,  2 ;  on  baptism, 
40 ;  on  Lord's  Supper,  42 
his  Apology,  50;  compared 
with  Origen,  66;  on  spread 
of  the  gospel,  92  ;  his 
second  Apology,  113;  his 
suffering,  1 20. 

Justina,  151. 

Justinian,  154,  156,  158,  286. 

Kaye,  Bishop,  75,  144. 
Ken,  Thomas,  83. 

Lactantius,  124. 
Laurence,  329. 

Leo  the  Great,  241  ;  his  sermon, 
243  ;    on   the   Atonement, 

274,  347.  349- 

Levvigild,  310. 

Liberius,  239. 

Lightfoot,  Bishop,  on  elders, 
26  ;  on  angels,  28  ;  on 
forms  of  government,  30 ; 
on  liturgies,  35  ;  on  Ire- 
naeus,  57 ;  believers  in 
Rome,  loi. 


INDEX 


393 


Liturgies,  35,  281. 

Lord's  Day,  37,  286. 

Lord's  Divinity,  344. 

Lord's  Supper,  35,  39,  43,  45, 

161,  235,  255,  280,  287. 
Lucian,  115. 
Lucias,  King,  105. 
Luculhis,  146. 
Lupus  of  Troyes,  307. 
Luther  on  justification, 276. 

Macrina,  199,  204. 

Maitland,  Dr.,  382. 

Manicheism,  152,  263,  272. 

Marcion,  76. 

Marcus  Aurelius,  112,  123. 

Mariolatry,  161. 

Martin  of  Tours,  153,  228,  230. 

Mattidia,  16,  17. 

Maurice,  372. 

Maximinus,  97. 

Melania,  313. 

Melito,  58,  86. 

Mello,  104. 

Meropius,  353. 

Milman,  Dean,  96,  146. 

Mohammedanism,  356,  357. 

Montanism,  30. 

Montanus,  73,  74. 

Moorish  schools,  357. 

Narcissus,  58. 
Natalius,  86. 
Neale,  68,  167,  215. 
Neander,  63. 
Nepos,  70. 
Nero,  III,  112. 
Nestorianism,  215, 
Nestorius,  165,  172,  177. 
Newman,  Dr.,  74,  230. 


Nicene   Creed,    141,    143,    167, 

193- 
Nonna,  203. 
Novatian  sect,  161. 

Oberlin,  321. 

Ordination,  31. 

Origen,  10 ;  on  angels,  28  ;  in 
his  Contra  Celsrcm,  2)7 ', 
on  Lord's  Supper,  45  ;  on 
Christian  workers,  53 ; 
his  learning,  61  ;  on  the 
Scriptures,  63,  260 ;  philo- 
sophical, 65  ;  character 
of,  67  ;  on  Christianity, 
93 ;  his  creed,  264 ;  his 
works,  349  ;  compared 
with  Augustine,  271. 

Pcedagogics,  59,  60. 

Palladius,  238. 

Palmer,  34. 

Pantaenus,  57. 

Papias,  57,  58. 

Patrick,  St.,  318. 

Paul  of  Samosata,  133. 

Paulinus,  284. 

Pelagianism,  269. 

Pelagius  L,  176,  245,  268. 

Perpetua,  122. 

Philippus,  58. 

Plato,  90,  349. 

Plautus,  103. 

Pliny,  33,  94,  98,  1 1 1, 

Plotinus,  52. 

Polycarp,  57  ;  on  Easter,  86  ; 
visited  Rome,  87  ;  martyr- 
dom of,  117,  118. 

Polycrates,  58. 


394 


INDEX 


Pontinus,  78. 
Pothinus,  58. 
Praetextatus,  147. 
Praxeas,  88. 
Predestination,  56. 
Primus,  58. 

Priscillian,  152,  153,  154,  230. 
Pudens,  103. 

Radegonda,  305. 

Reccared,  310. 

Recognitions  oiC\emen\.,  15, 16. 

Religious  novels,  19,  20,  22. 

Remigius,  307. 

Robertson,  Dr.,  382. 

Ruinart,  123. 

Sabellianism,  143. 

Sacraments,  44,  261. 

Salvian,  303. 

Schaff,  Dr.,  213,  262,  315. 

Septimius  Severus,  122. 

Septuagint,  72,  313. 

Serapion,  58. 

Shepherd  of  Hermas,  14. 

Simon  Magus,  16. 

Sisterhoods,  205. 

Socrates,  65,  103,  108,  150,280. 

Sophocles,  65. 

Soter,  57. 

Southey,  Dr.,  67. 

Sozomen,  103,  161. 

Spyridion,  138. 

Stoics,  104,  105. 

Siromata,  59. 

Stubbs,  Dr.,  145,  336.  338. 

Sylvester,  239. 

Synesius,  215. 

Teaching  of  the  Twelve,  39. 


Tertullian,  2  ;  on  councils,  33  ; 
on  baptism,  39;  orthodox, 
75 ;  style,  yj ;  followed 
by  Cyprian,  83 ;  on  the 
Trinity,  88  ;  on  Christian 
influence,  92,  98  ;  on  the 
Millennium,  277. 

Theodora,  154,  156. 

Theodore,  151. 

Theodoret,   103,  173,  205,  352. 

Theodoric,  294. 

Theodosius   I.,    151,   162,   185, 

234- 
Theodotus,  86,  89. 
Theophilus,  218. 
Tracts  for  the  Times,  231. 
Trajan,  98,  109. 
Trinity,  68.  261. 
Trypho,  50. 

Ullman,  189. 
Ulphilas,  292. 

Valens,  151. 
Valentine  I.,  151. 
Valentinian  II.,  151. 
Valerian,  113. 
Vespasian,  147. 
Vigilantius,  315. 
Vigilius  I.,  245. 
Vincentius  Lirinensis,  231. 
Virgin,  images    of,   164;  name 

in  prayer,  285  ;  in  Spain, 

308. 
Vitringa,  38. 

Western  theology,  259. 
Whitsuntide,  286. 
Wiltsch,  98,  99. 


WORKS  BY   THE   SAME  AUTHOR. 

Religion  in  England  during  the  first  half  of 

the  Present  Century  :  A  History,  with  a  Postscript  on  Subsequent 

Events.     By  John  Stoughton,  D.D.    In  Two  Vols.,  crown  8vo, 

15^. 

"The  present  book  will  long  be  the  standard  authority  on  the  important 
subject  of  which  it  treats."— ^c«(/fM7>'. 

History  of  Religion  in  England :   from   the 

Opening  of  the  Long  Parliament  to  the  End  of  the  Eighteentli 
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Recollections  of  a  Long  Life. 

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quarian knowledge  to  illustrate  the  missionary  journeyings  of  St.  Paul, 
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Cloth,  \s. 
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